AN APPEAL
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We demand PROSECUTION and Punishment for the Gestapo heads responsible for Marichjhanpi Ethnic Cleansing as Supreme Court has deleted Jyoti Basu`s name from the Accused List as he died recently. But Other CRIMINALS do survive! Locate them and Execute them!
We demand Compensation for the Marichjanpi Victims and also demand rehabilitation for those Victims still having np room for Sustenance!
Marich-Jhapi is an Island in the Delta Region of ‘Sundarban’ in the District of South 24 Paragaons of West Bengal. This was in news during 1977-78 when there was charity Janata Dal Govt. in Central and CPM led Brahman Front Govt. in West Bengal.
The news, which was in print media and Air during those days were supposed to be read with the fate of Bengali Refugees (Before Partition), who were forced to leave their land property and to come to India in bare hand with few lives and clothes which they were wearing. The scene of that barbarian situation can not be explained in language, only can be realized by the persons who had undergone such pathetic condition and those can feel who have a heart to realize.
The result of Partition of India and Power Trasfer to the BRAHAM BANIA CORPORATE Raj, forced the Bengali refugees to pass through such fate. Still it is in continuation Khulna, Jalsessore, Faridpur and Barisal districts of East Bengal (Now in Bangladesh) were Hindu majority area. 74 % of the people of these 4 districts were Hindu dominated. As per the Partition rule, this Hindu Majority area should have been in India, but unfortunately and because of dirty politics it was given to Pakistan during the part ion of India.
The main reason of this was a political decision and to take revenge against this Bengali Mulnivashis, because of their fault to elect Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar for constituent Assembly in 1946 from this area. Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar was the eye-sore of congress and other Brahminical Society during those days. So, they in the disguise to punish the Bengali Mulnivashis for the fault of electing Baba Saheb partitioned Bengal and handed over to Pakistan even after breaking the norms of partition. Thus, the Bengali Mulnivashis became the political prey and turned as refugee, crossed the border and met all odd situations. The Govt. of India as well as West Bengal Govt. did not do any welfare job except bigtalk and wild promise. The high ranking Leaders like Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Gandhijee, Sardar Vallabbhai Patel and Rajendra Prasad announced to extend all short of facilities including settlement etc, but all remained as promise but without implementation.
During partition, two sects of refugees originated. Refugees from West Pakistan and East Pakistan (Now Bangladesh). The treatment was also different. The Refugees of West Pakistan were given settlement in the adjacent area of big cities like Bombay and Delhi, where as the refugees of East Pakistan were given settlement in Andaman and forest area of Nainital (UP), Malkanigiri and Umarkote area of Orissa, Mana Camp & Pakhanjore of Chattisgarh, Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra. Betul area of MP and certain forest area of AP & Karnataka, Thus, they are scattered and thrown in different parts of India, So that they can not unite themselves against the policy and to get back their rights.
Persecution of Bengali Dalits In East Pakistan
As a result of handing over Jassor, Khulana, Barishal, Faridpur, Dhaka and Maimansingh province to Pakistan by Arya-Brahminists, Mahapran Jogendra Nath Mandal believing the promises of Muslim league had to become Pakistani national and become law minister of Pakistan. He framed many laws in the interest of Dalits but converted Arya-Brahminists of Pakistan did not fulfil their promise to grant Dalits separate electorate. Muslim league started showing its communal fangs. The property of Bengali Dalits was destroyed and looted, they were killed, their women raped, molested and humiliated in Muslim League sponsored communal riots of 1948. In December 1949 whole Pakistan was burning in communal riots. The genocides committed during partition were nothing before the genocides and inhumanity of these riots. Communal riots of 1950 in Pakistan proved that Pakistan was not a safe place for Dalits.
Jogendranath Mandal toured riot hit areas and criticized role of police and antisocial elements. Prime minister Liyakat Ali objected his criticism and officially censored it. All the agreements meant to protect Dalits were thrown in to dustbin. The representation of Jogendranath Mandal to Jineva international labour conference was deliberately stopped. Jogendranath Mandal was banned to deliver any statement without the approval of prime minister. He was kept under round the clock vigil. The talk of Jogendranath Mandal with his colleagues use to get published in the newspapers of London. Whenever this happened prime minister asked him explanation. The naked reality explained by Mandal made prime minister answer-less. Prime minister with evil intention asked Jogendranath mandal to pass a censorship bill which ensures any person whether an officer or a common person 7 years rigorous imprisonment and or fine if he delivers statement against the interest of Pakistan. This bill was devised to lock the lips of Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal. Their relations deteriorated day after day. Jogendranath plainly told prime minister that if he wants he would resign from the minister’s post.
During this time Mahapran had to go to India to attend to his son’s serious illness. When his son recovered from illness he himself became ill. On 8th October 1950 Mahapran sent his resignation to prime minister of Pakistan in protest of persecution of Dalits in Pakistan.
According to Kripesh Namoshudra Casteism and untouchability is still observed in Bangla Desh (Former East Pakistan). On 7th October 2000 in a Brahmin controlled government school 38 Dalit students were expelled from school because they had dared to drink water from school tank because as these Dalit children were very thirsty. (P. 12, Dalit Voice, 16-30 November 2000)
The condition of Dalits in Bangla Desh is deteriorated more since BNP rule of Begum Khalida Zia. According to reports in Jankantha of April 2002 a Buddhist monk who was running an orphanage at Hingala Hill was beaten to death. Because he did not pay extortion amount and did not vacate the orphanage. In Ukiya one Buddhist Vihar was set on fire by the workers of ruling coalition. (Janakantha, March 23, 2002) In report of May 2000 it is said that in 1975 the 72% property of Hindus (read Dalits) is forcibly grabbed by members of ruling BNP. In year 1968 44% property of Dalits was forcibly grabbed by Awami league workers while 32% property was grabbed forcibly by BNP workers. (http://members.tripod.com/~INDIA_RESOURCE/slamic Pakistan, Bangladesh, crimes, minorities, human rights violations, Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, terrorism.htm)
During 1971 liberation war more than twenty lacs (2 million) Hindus (read Dalits) were massacred by the Pakistani army and Bengali Muslim Razakars. Physical elimination of minorities, kicking them out of their homes, raping and molesting their women, looting and usurping their properties had been encouraged by successive East Pakistan/Bangladesh Governments by enacting discriminatory laws. The minorities of Bangladesh were formally made second class citizen with the proclamation of 8th Amendment of the Constitution by making Islam as the state religion. Perhaps nowhere in the world such a protracted systematic operation to eliminate the minorities has been carried out for more than fifty long years; yet there is no sign of its end in near future. The population of Hindus (read Dalits) has gone down from around 25% in 1947 to less than 10% at present. Even today, on an average, 500 Hindus (read Dalits) leave Bangladesh for India everyday.
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The earlier discussed settlement camp or areas where settlement has been given were not conducive for human settlement. They had to fight for life against natural odds and wild animals. Land provided to them were Hilly area, full of stone and unfertile, Therefore there was megre crops, which could hardly provide food for month or two. There was no factory or industry from where these people could earn their livelihood. Therefore, there was no work or facility to earn. There was no alternative except to starve month after month.
In such odd situation, the life less people got glimpse of rays of light from the assurance of getting settlement in Marich-Jhapi in West Bengal. When Bam front came in power, the people who forgot their mother tongue; culture and heritage, got assurance to get settlement in Marich-Jhapi in Bengal, left behind settlement camp of Mana, Pakhanjore, Umarkote, Malkangiri, Bethul, Chandrapur etc and made their way to Mariachi-Jhapi through Hasnabad.
Here, it would not be out of way to mention that the CPM ( i.e. Left Parties) have used the Bengalee refugees for their political gain before coming to power and had given all fake promise to settle them in Bengal even if they are shifted to different part of India. Their actual face showed when they came in power in 1977.
The news of formation of CPM Govt. under leadership of Mr.Jyoti Basu spread all over the India and the Bengali refugees, who were earlier given assurance of Settlement in Sundarban area, started moving to marich-Jhapi of Sundarban delta region leaving their settlement places of Orissa, MP, AP & Karnataka.
Now let us see, how the same CPM party, who assured and promised earlier for settlement of East Bengal refugees in west Bengal, turned hostile after coming to power in 1977.
The destitute, land less, without any identity, the Bengalee refugees who dwelt in the different camps, were given assurance and promised that they would be able to get back settlement in Bengal in specially identified area in “Sundarban”.
But the refugees i.e. the Mulnivashi of East Bengal met with the actual character of CPM when they came in power in 1977 and the same CPM Govt. created strong obstruction for settlement of refugees in Marich-Jhapi. They utilized all Govt. machineries against the Mulnivashi refugees in Marich-Jhapi. As a result of which, there arose struggle between CPM Govt. versus the Bengali refugees Mulnivashis. It was a struggle for rights and existence. But the Govt. machinery brutally killed those people by adopting different theories. The Govt even to drive out those people from Marich-Jhapi, stopped the supply of drinking water, vegetables and daily necessary consumable items. The Govt even did not allow the market to sale any goods. They killed the people with gun and threw them in river water. Thus the river water turned the colour of blood, which has been narrated by an eye witness, named Shri Rabindranath Mistry, a Farmer of Kumir Mari village, who came to sale his vegetable on 14th may in 1979, which is nothing but Genocide in the ruling period of Jyoti Basu, Chief Minister of west Bengal.
The incident explained by the Head master Mr. Nirmalendu Dhali, about the survival of refugees by taking grass which is generally being taken by animals like cows, buffaloes & others. This is an instance that the CPM led Govt. of Mr. Jyoti Basu, turned the human race into animal and forced them to survive by taking the grass. Such inhuman treatment, torture and inflicting of physical torture and killing brutally are the rare instances in the modern history.
Those who survived from such atrocities were forced to return back to Dandakaranya and in enroute they lost their little children and old parents because of lack of water and food, medical treatment and other facilities which were denied to them as a matter of punishment.
The entire fact of marich-Jhapi and its Genocide has been detailed by Jagadish Mandal in his book “Marich-Jhapi Nainshabder Antarale”, and in The Hungry tide by Amitav Ghose.
Arya-Brahmin Fake Communist Leaders
Used Dalit Refugees as their Political Pawns
Bengali Dalit refugees were initially unenthusiastic about the left parties and naturally drawn towards the ruling Arya-Brahminist Congress. Gradually they were disillusioned and actively joined the Arya-Brahminist leaders of left parties who launched a {fake} campaign to rehabilitate Dalit refugees in West Bengal itself and opposed the plans of their own Arya-Brahminist brothers of ruling Congress to rehabilitate Bengali Dalits in Andaman, Nikobar, Dandakaranya and other states. Bengali Dalit refugees were used by the left parties as pawns in their power game. To lure Dalits at a time Arya-Brahminist communist leader Jyoti Basu took a trip to Chhattisgarh and promised Bengali dalit refugees to rehabilitate them in Marichjhanpi in Sunderban of West Bengal. The Dalit refugees extended their wholehearted support to the Arya-Brahminist led left front in their political mobilization. The Dalit refugees were of great help not only in mass demonstrations but also during election battles. It was the number, enthusiasm and initiative of Bengali Dalit refugees that enabled the Arya-Brahminists of left front to counter the money power of the Arya-Brahminists of the Congress. It was the Bengali dalit refugees who brought the left to power in West Bengal. As late as 1974 Jyoti Basu had demanded in a public meeting that the Dandakaranya refugees be allowed to settle in the Sundarbans. In 1974-75 leading members of the subsequent Left Front government, including Ram Chatterjee, had assured the refugees that if the Left Front came to power they would arrange their resettlement in West Bengal and at a meeting of the eight Left Front parties in 1975 it was resolved that the refugees would be settled in the Sundarbans. In 1977, Bengali Dalit refugees who had been promised permanent plots and a life of respectability in countless communist election manifestos in West Bengal before 1977, genuinely believed their misery had ended in 1977.
In 1977, when the Left Front came to power, they found their refugee supporters had taken them at their word and sold their belongings and land to return to West Bengal. In all, 1,50,000 refugees arrived from Dandakaranya expecting the government to honour its word. The Arya-Brahminist led communist government started to forcibly send them back. Many refugees however managed to escape to various places inside West Bengal. But after Bengali Dalits reached Bengal, they realised the Arya-Brahminist government of Marxist communist parties had no plans for them. They had no choice but head for uninhabited parts and scrounge out an existence on the islands in the Sunderbans.
Marichjhanpi Their Heavenly Abode
From the month of May the same year about 30,000 Dalit refugees, under the leadership of Satish Mandal, president of the Udbastu Unnayansil Samity, a former close associate of the Communist Party’s refugee programme, sailed to Morichjhanpi and set up a settlement there. Morichjhanpi island, being 125 square miles, was so big that the refugees were keen that the islanders join them so as to improve the dire economic situation of the Sundarbans region as a whole rather than squabble over land which, being neither fertile nor theirs to distribute, was not worth fighting over. In contrast to the ruling elite of their villages, composed essentially of large landowners who aspired to migrate towards Kolkata, the Sundarban islanders developed fraternal bonding with the Dalit refugees. They saw the East Bengali Dalit leaders as more apt to represent them. This was because they both were poor, rural, and low caste and hence not afraid to take up manual work, such as fishing, and knew, through the twists of fate what it was like to fight for their rights. The Dalit refugees were better educated and more articulate and because, having lost everything, they were having the moral courage to face the Kolkata ruling class with their rural concerns.
The settlers – both refugees as well as islanders who had come from the adjoining villages, initially built some makeshift huts along the cultivated area of the island. Most of them survived by catching crab and fish and with the help of the islanders, by selling their products in the nearby villages. The islanders often expressed their great admiration (awe) at the way the East Bengali Dalit refugees rapidly established Morichjhanpi as one of the best-developed islands of the Sundarbans – within a few months tube-wells had been dug, a viable fishing industry, saltpans, dispensaries and schools established. Stories abounded about the spirit of bonhomie and solidarity between Dalit refugees and Dalit islanders whose similar experiences of marginalization brought them together to bond over a common cause which was to fight for a niche for themselves; this would become a metaphor for the reclamation of ‘voice’ in the new West Bengal. The villagers explained the refugees’ bid to stay on in Morichjhanpi as a dignified attempt to forge a new respectable identity for themselves as well as a bid to reclaim a portion of the West Bengali political rostrum by the poorest and most marginalized.
Massacre of Morichjhanpi Dalits By the Arya-Brahminist Fake Communists led left Front of W.B.
Despite this display of self-help and cooperative spirit, the Arya-Brahminist Jyoti Basu government persisted in its effort to clear Morichjhanpi of the settlers. Jayanta, an islander who had gone there as a young man with his wife and baby child reflecting on the hope the arrival of the settlers had brought them, had longed to start a new life in Morichjhanpi where for once, the aspirations and rights of the lowest would be established. But he and his family had barely been there five months when their shack was burned down by the police. He wondered why the government was bent on reclaiming Morichjhanpi for tigers when it wasn’t even part of the tiger reserve. The other sore point was that the refugees had been promised land in the Sundarbans.
Dalit refugees were looted, their female flock was raped. The media started to underscore the plight of the refugees of Morichjhanpi and wrote in positive terms about the progress they were making in their rehabilitation efforts. Photographs were published in the Amrita Bazar Patrika of the February 8, 1979 and the opposition members in the state assembly staged a walkout in protest of the government’s methods of treating Bengali Dalits. Fearing more backlash, and seeing the public growing warm towards the refugees’ cause, the chief minister declared Morichjhanpi out of bounds for journalists and condemned their reports saying that these contributed to the refugees’ militancy and self-importance and instead suggested that the press should support their eviction on the grounds of national interest (read Arya-Brahminist interest). For greater protection, the 30 launches were covered with a wire netting and police camps were established in the surrounding villages.
After the failure of the economic blockade (announced on January 26 – an ironical twist to Republic Day!) in May the same year, the government started forcible evacuation. Thirty police launches encircled the island thereby depriving the settlers of food and water; they were also tear-gassed, their huts razed, their boats sunk, their fisheries and tube-wells destroyed, and those who tried to cross the river were shot at. To fetch water, the settlers had now to venture after dark and deep into the forested portion of the island and forced to eat wild grass. Several hundred men, women and children were believed to have died during that time and their bodies thrown in the river. Jayanta, remembered how when the refuges saw their children dying of cholera and starvation they tried to break the cordon formed by the police and the military launches. A ‘war’ was on, one group fighting with wooden arrows and stones, the other with guns, and loudspeakers. As one islander put it, the launches started looking like ‘stinging swarms of floating beehives’. On the January 31, 1979 the police killed 36 persons in firing. Journalists and opposition political leaders were disallowed from entering the vicinity of the zone selected for the operation. The killing fields lay on an island on the muddy river. The police was efficient enough to seal off the place with motor boats. Journalists could only hear the gunshots and cries of people from a distance. We shall never know exactly how many people lost their lives. According to many of the islanders only 25 per cent of those who had come to Morichjhanpi left the island alive. Those killed in the Morichjhanpi massacre are yet to find justice, and their stories yet to appear in histories. The massacres of Dalits by CPI-M led communist government can be compared with the massacres committed by Yahya khan in East Pakistan and Hitler in IInd world war.
Based on Sikar (1982) and Biswas’ (1982) pieces, Ross Mallick estimates that in all 4,128 families who had come from Dandakaranya to find a place in West Bengal perished of cholera, starvation, disease, exhaustion, in transit while sent back to their camps, by drowning when their boats were scuttled by the police or shot to death. How many of these deaths actually occurred in Morichjhapi we shall never know. The ease and brutality with which the Arya-Brahminist communist led left front government wiped off all signs of the bustling life which had been built there in the last 18 months were proof for the villagers that they were considered completely irrelevant to the more influential urban Arya-Brahminist Bengali community . In two weeks’ time all the plots had been destroyed and the refugees ‘packed’ off. Now half-broken embankments and the few fruit trees planted by the settlers during their stay remain as the only vestiges of previous human habitation on Morichjhanpi, the rest has been reclaimed by the forest.
These brutalities of the government was possible because it was backed by the Arya-Brahminists who perceived the refugees and the Sundarbans islanders as lesser beings. These events were recounted as a ‘war’ between two groups of people, one backed by state power and modern paraphernalia, the other dispossessed and who had only their hands and the spirit of companionship. ‘We Dalits were vermin that our shacks had to be burned down?’ asked Dalits.
‘Organizer’ In February 1979 wrote that the Marichjhapi massacre has been “forgotten” in Bengal because the Marxists were very successful in making the West Bengal intellectuals prostitutes after petty jobs and government housing plots. This much vengeance on bengali dalits did not satisfy the blood-thirst of Arya-Brahminists so the …
Arya-Brahminist Fake Communists led
Left-front of W. B. made Dalits Tiger-Food
The corpses Bengali Dalit refugees killed by police gave tigers the taste of human flesh. Tigers initially were afraid of people. They shared the products of the forest and rivers with people. But now, due to the legitimizing of Dalit killings in the name of tiger protection by the ruling elite they had begun to treat the Dalit islanders as ‘tiger-food. The tigers, taking the cue from the Dalit killing by ‘Arya-Brahminists’ had started feeding on indigenous Dalits. Man-eating became part of the tiger’s nature.
In the early days, tigers, did not reproduce quickly. As the government gave them fertilizing injections, their reproduction rate had gone up. Arya-Brahminist led left front government hides the true figures of tigers and always quote ridiculously small numbers”. Whether the indigenous Dalit islanders lived or died made no difference to W.B. Government because Dalits were just ‘tiger-food’. “They have created hybrid tigers which are even more dangerous” said an islander. Getting killed by a tiger in the Sundarbans in the 1980s was a terrifying prospect for family members, co-workers, even the entire village, of those who worked in the forest. The victim’s body had to be abandoned in the forest for fear that the forest officials would get to know about it. The new widow and the victim’s children were forbidden to cry and taught to say that their father had died of diarrhea because if exposed, the family members were exhorted to pay for the dead trespasser, and were, in effect, treated like criminals.
The fact that the same government that once declared refugee resettlement in the Sundarbans illegal and did not hesitate to wipe out all Bengali Dalit refugees of Marichjhahpi island in the name of protecting the forest reserves, now seemed to be ready to install a nuclear power plant and risk the much-vaunted resources of the Sundarbans proves beyond doubt that the Dalits massacre was performed by Arya-Brahminists led left front only to avenge Dalits.
Arya-Brahminist leaders of Communist party has a long history of betrayal with the people’s struggle. They had betrayed Telangana revolt of farmers in the protection of Brahmanism. The Arya-Brahminist leaders of Communist party had betrayed Dalit refugees by separating themselves from revolt of Dalit refugee farmers in 1958 in Uttar Pradesh. Similarly, during the sixties and seventies communist parties flinging Dalit refugees in movement against Mahajans and money lenders had separated themselves from this just struggle of Dalits. In late sixties the communists in terai played the role of landbrokers in the same way as chief minister Buddhadev is doing it in West Bengal on full scale. In Bengali Refugee areas the communist villages were Netaji Nagar, Vijay Nagar, Pipulia, Chandipur, etc. Most of the communist peasants in these villages lost their land and Arya-Brahminist leaders had their hand. With these examples of the betrayal of Arya-Brahminist communist party leaders Hon. Pulin Biswas had asked his Dalit refugees not to go to Marichjhanpi because there shall be no place for Dalit refugees in West Bengal. Therefore no Dalit refugee from Uttar pradesh went to Marichjhanpi.
After receiving every support of Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal in elections, the Arya-Brahminist leaders of communist party always ensured that the Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal is defeated in every election and he could be established as a failed leader. The Arya-Brahminists riding the government also jailed Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal in 1959 for raising the voice in support of Dalit Bengali refugees. Mahapran died on 5th October 1968. The Bengali Arya-Brahminist leadership never demanded citizenship for the refugees.
Alien Intruders for Persecution and Exploitation
According to the law passed in 1955 in parliament every partition affected person who come to India shall be considered as Indian national. Their children born in India shall be natural citizens of India. Those who have left India and settled in foreign countries shall not be treated as Indian citizens. Above law was against the interest of Arya-Brahminists because with the right of citizenship Dalit Bengali refugees shall have voting right and they will oust Arya-Brahims joining hands with OBC, Muslims and Adivasis after realising that the only aspiration of Arya-Brahminists is to avenge Bengali Dalit refugees. Bengali Dalit refugees had raised the slogan “vote ours, rule yours shall not be tolerated” Therefore Arya-Brahminists of all parties like Congress, BJP, Communist parties etc. unanimously passed a black law “citizenship Amendment Act 2003″ without any discussion on it on 9th January 2004. This bill ensures that the two crore indigenous Bengali Dalit refugees are converted in to alien intruders in their own country.
1) Any person of the world is entitled to apply for citizenship of India but this Bill says that under no circumstance the refugees from Bangladesh can get citizenship of this country. The Bengali Dalit refugees are declared not-eligible to apply for Indian citizenship. According to earlier rule the Hindu refugees were entitled to live in India. This permission was also withdrawn. This is defying Indian constitution because it does not allows discrimination on any ground.
2) According to this law the Bengali Dalit refugees living in this country for last fifty years or more and children born to them during 1971-86 shall also be treated alien intruders and shall be driven out of the country after penalizing and persecuting them. Arya-Brahminists of India have conveniently forgotten that according to international law a child born in any country has natural right to become citizen of that country. This exposes the beastly Arya-Brahminist Demon-cracy of India.
3) Persons living in India without valid documents from Bangla Desh (East Pakistan) shall be treated as alien intruder and shall be entitled for punishment in cash of Rs. 50,000/- and imprisonment of 5 years. After that they shall be driven out of the country.
Refugees coming from east Pakistan did not require to obtain any passport or other document till 1952 because the border was opened for them. This is very much recorded in Nehru-liyakat agreement. Majority of the Dalit Bengali refugees due to inconveniences and lack of facilities in refugee camps were compelled to scatter different places, do labour and live in shanties made of grass and straws. For bread they had to migrate from one place to other after demolition of their shanties by municipal authorities. How can anybody maintain and produce such document after such a long period when their 2nd and 3rd generation is also living in India ? In the Murshidabad district of West Bengal more than ninety percent of the population (including non-refugees) could not present the required documents to prove their citizenship.
A systematic process to disenfranchise the poor is at work so that they have no voice in democratic governance or decision making any more. Thirteen lac names have been deleted in Bengal from the electoral list in last assembly elections as the poor hut dwellers could not prove their nationality. The same process speedened throughout the county by the Arya-Brahminists riding governments will disfranchise all poor people having no nationality proof. It is not only the human rights of “illegal migrants” that is under threat at present. All marginalized groups, as well as large sections of the informal working class, are being pushed to the edges of society. Much of this is being done in the name of ‘protecting the environment’ or ‘beautifying the landscape’ or ‘preserving our heritage’.
4) To tell Dalit Bengali refugees that they are sub-animal creatures, Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India has granted dual citizenship to their Arya-Brahminists who have settled in foreign countries and become foreign nationals. In addition to that 15% seats in educational institutes of India are reserved for them. But the Dalits whose forefathers shed their blood for the liberation of India their children of undivided India can not have Indian citizenship.
5) According to following news the Arya-Brahminists are sensitive in granting citizenship to their Arya-Brahminist refugees but reluctant to grant the same to the indigenous Dalits of this country :-
i) It is estimated that over 17,000 refugees living in western Rajasthan are yet to be granted citizenship. As a result, a large number of the refugees who belong to the lower caste communities, have been denied rehabilitation under the SC/ST scheme, says the convener of the Pak Visthapith Sangh, Hindu Singhj Sodha. Incidentally, Gehlot’s predecessor Bhairon Singh Shekhawat had taken up cudgels on behalf of the Sindhi migrants and helped to rehabilitate a group from the 1971 war. Way back in 1972, Atal Bihari Vajpayee had staged a protest against sending the refugees to Pakistan in Barmer and had been arrested for it. (The Times of India – Internet Edition Date: September 1, 2001 )
ii) The Arya-Brahminists have granted citizenship to their Arya-Brahminist brethren. The Indian state government of Rajasthan has started organizing special camps to grant Indian citizenship to thousands of Pakistan’s minority Hindu nationals went to India on valid travel documents but refused to return now residing in the state. The camps were organized after the federal government approved the grant of citizenship to these people. The Gujarat state government will also follow suit. (Daily Times, 7 January 2005)
iii) The Centre has delegated powers to Gujarat government to grant citizenship to nearly 900 immigrants from Pakistan who have been residing in four districts of the state for the past several years. A senior Home department official told PTI that 900 refugees living in Ahmedabad, Patan, Banaskantha and Kutch districts, mainly of Sindhi and Koli community and those who have lived for a minimum of five years in India would be given citizenship. The applicants also have to give affidavits stating that they were giving up Pakistani citizenship and also had procured renunciation certificate. (New Kerala, 3 January 2005)
iv) Each year, 1,800 to 3,000 Tibetans flee from Tibet. Once The Tibetans fleeing from China reach the Tibetan Refugee Reception Centre in Kathmandu, they get entry permit from Indian mission. Since February 2002, the Indian mission here has been issuing them special entry permits to travel to India from Nepal. India continues to provide travel documents to Tibetan refugees in Nepal Currently, the embassy has been issuing 15 special entry permits a day, on an average. Indian embassy officials said they were not governed by Chinese or Nepalese reactions while issuing the entry permits. (IANS, Kathmandu, January 6, 2004, The New Indian Express, 7 January 2005)
6) Threatening of deportation to Bangla Desh, the Arya-Brahminists and their agents can use the poor Dalits and the Bangla speaking Muslims as bonded labourers, political campaigners and even can be compelled them to execute criminal intentions of the Arya-Brahminist exploiters.
7) As per the law of United Nation no person can live in any country without obtaining its nationality. Such a person is not entitled to receive justice and can not buy any property of that country. Whatever earnings he has made could be declared illegal. Therefore, the moment a child is born he comes with the right of nationality in that country. (Sangharshasathi Mulniwasi Bharat, 22 January 2006) Thus the Arya-Brahminists may deprive Bengali Dalit refugees everything they have.
False Arya-Brahminist Propaganda
Against Bengali Dalit Refugees and Indigenous Muslims
In order to isolate Bengali Dalit refugees from the other communities of Dalits of India Arya-Brahminist exploiters have been launching a fierce false propaganda as explained below.
1) False propaganda that :Bengali refugees are Pakistani Muslims. Because the Arya-Brahminist propaganda evil, fierce and false propaganda that the Bengali refugees are Muslim terrorists the Bengali Dalit refugees could not get any sympathy and help from common dalit masses. On the contrary they developed hate for their own Bengali dalit refugee brethen whose forefathers had protected self-respect of Dr. Ambedkar.
Arya-Brahminists have also have been launching fierce and false propaganda that the Assam Muslims are Bangla Deshi intruders
Assam Governor had alleged that about 6000 Bangladesh nationals enter Assam everyday. This allegation seems false because Muslims were about 40% when Assam was merged with India in 1947. Sizeable Muslim presence in Assam was in existence even before the advent of the British. Chief Minister of Assam Tarun Gogoi in a television interview asked Assam Governor Ajay Singh to provide facts to substantiate his report that 6,000 immigrants enter the state everyday. But the Governor surprisingly remained mum, as if, he did not hear the challenge of his Chief Minister. According governor’s statistics 1,80,000 Bangladeshis enter Assam every month and in a year the figure will stand at 12,96,000. According to the census of 2001, the total population of Assam was 2,66,55,528. Among them, according Indian media, the Muslims constitute 30 per cent of the total population of the state. If so, their number now should be around 79,96,659. If one year’s intrusion is added, the present number of the Muslims should reach at 92, 56,659. According to the census of 1991 Muslims were 63, 73,204. This proves that the Muslims of Assam are not immigrant or outsiders, rather most of them are the sons of the soil. Profulla Kumar Mohanta, who got to power after five thousand Muslims were killed in the state during the anti-settlers movement in the eighties despite hectic efforts failed to prove the Muslims as illegal in Assam. He ruled Assam twice, but found little Muslims illegal. For this reason, Mohanta had to tone down his anti-Muslim slogan.
After fall of Gurgobinda in the 14th century, many Ahom people adjoining Sylhet converted to Islam. During the British period, thousand of Bengali speaking Muslims were brought to and settled in Assam to bring arable lands under cultivation. The descendants of these Muslims now form 30% of the total population of Assam. These descendants of those Bengali speaking Muslims forgot their language and culture, but not their religion. This new generation Muslims of Assam feel pride to identify themselves Ahoms, treat Assam as their motherland, use Ahomiya language in their daily life, send their children to schools where Ahomiya is the medium of instruction. Other than their religious activities they are hundred per cent Ahoms. They cannot be branded as foreigners or Bangladeshis. So it is itself illegal and unjustified and mere violation of human rights to brand and harass the Muslims in Assam as illegal, outsiders or infiltrators.
According to press reports, at least, one lac soldiers of Indian Army are deployed in Assam. Six battalions of BSF, 10 battalions of CRP, five companies of the Punjab Police Commandos, and one battalion of State Rifles have been deployed in the state. One can have an idea if one looks into their names and figures. Ministry of Home Affairs, BSF: Organisation – total 157 battalions Artillery – 7 BSF Artillery Regiments, Water Wing Air Wing Signals Regiment 10 Frontier Headquarters 39 Sectors Assam Rifles: 41 battalions 3 Maintenance Groups Signal Unit Construction Company 9 Range Headquarters Indo-Tibetan Border Police: 29 battalions (4 specialist Battalions) over 35,569 personnel 755 Officers Other Paramilitary Forces: Coast Guard, Rastriya Rifles, Special Frontier Force, Central Reserve Police Force, Home Guards, Intelligence Agencies: National :- Research and Analysis Wing , Intelligence Bureau, Joint Intelligence Committee, Intelligence Agencies: Military: -Aviation Research Centre (ARC), Directorate of Military Intelligence, Directorate of Air Intelligence, Directorate of Naval Intelligence, Special Security Bureau Other outfits are : – All-India Radio Monitoring Service (AIRMS), Joint Cipher Bureau, Signal Intelligence Directorate, Law enforcement Agencies:- Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Criminal Investigations Department (CID), Railway Protection Force, Rapid Action Force (RAF), Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB), National Security Guards (NSG)-has a strength of 7330 personnel, Special Protection Group (SPG) All these agencies have strong presence in Assam. Moreover, India erected barbed wire fence along every possible point of 272km-long Assam-Bangladesh border. Heavy security forces have been deployed in those hilly areas where India could not yet erect the fence. Observation towers and posts are seen after every 500 yards.
Therefore propaganda of heavy Muslim infiltration in Assam is a political one, launched whenever national and provincial elections approach. This propaganda started only when Dalit Bengali refugees started coming to India to flee from persecution. The purpose of this false Arya-Brahminist propaganda is to 1) Hide from the Indian masses that the immigrants are Dalits so that they receive no help from their Dalits brethen of India 2) To hide from the masses that it is not the Muslims who capture and control the key positions of Assam, but the Arya-Brahminist-Banias who came from West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Punjab and other states of India. 3) To speeden RSS agenda to spread communal tension and bake Arya-Brahminist breads on the pyre of Bahujans.
The toiling masses of Assam want to get rid of these Arya-Brahminist-Baniyas who came from outside states and became rulers of Assam. To frustrate this sentiment and divert their attention from the real Arya-Brahminist outsiders, the vested quarters let loose its operatives and agents in Assam and elsewhere in the region to create anti-Muslim sentiment. The utterance of Assam’s Governor meant to start this hate campaign again. As a result a group of Dibrugarh-based youngsters got together to form Chiring Chapori Yuva Mancha (CCYM). Some other groups like All Assam Students Union (AASU), Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chhatra Parishad, Tai Ahom Students Union and Motok Students Union also joined the campaign. It is well known in Assam that these student organizations are directly or indirectly controlled by RAW. The fear among Assamese is being created that non-Assamese are taking over jobs, land, and are also threatening to turn Assamese into a minority in their own state. This was a conspiracy of both the BJP and the AASU for their narrow political gain, which would ultimately lead to ethnic blood-bath. Various organizations have expressed concern over the harassment of the religious minorities and the attempts to revive the anti-foreigners’ agitation in Assam under the garb of a campaign against illegal Bangladeshi migrants.
K.L.BISWAS JAGDISH CH. ROY ASUTOSH BALA
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