SALWA JUDUM All OVER! Cops hijack Osmania student's body as violence escalates! China's military build-up figures in India-US talks !Al-Qaeda planning to target India: Robert Gates
Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time- Two Hundred SIXTY EIGHT
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
Palash Biswas - Palash India
18 Nov 2009 ... To exist is to resist !what If Zionist Obama Returns as Maoist from China! Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams, Chapter 423. Palash Biswas ...
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- 6 visits - 18 JanTroubled galaxy Destroyed Dreams: Chapter 263. Palash Biswas. Maoist violence part of "wider gameplan", says CPI(M) Press Trust of India - ‎17 minutes ...
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- 4 visits - 07/12/09Troubled Galaxy Detroyed Dreams, Chapter 411 Palash Biswas ... Mamata MUTED on MAOIST Stance Even After KISHANJI Decalres Open WAR! MATUA Diversion, PSUs On ...
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- 2 visits - 15/10/097 Apr 2009 ... In 1976 the Maoist revolutionaries were overthrown in China. ...... Palash Biswas, C/O Mrs Arati Roy, Gostokanan, Sodepur, Kolkata- 700110, ...
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About me : I am a Social Activist. Recent Stories from Palash Biswas ... Terror, Maoism & Mamata in a 'skirt' economy. Published on 10 Jan 2010, (466 views) ...
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Controversies that dogged the pragmatic chief minister
You all are part of us, Maoists tell cops
Maoists' syllabus: People's rebellion, arms training
To divide ranks of cops, Naxals appeal to their 'tribal links'
Silencing tribal voices
Heat on Naxals, C'garh Police step up Operation Green Hunt
India on The Brink of a Major Showdown
Sandwich Theory and Operation Green Hunt - Imphal Free Press
Independence of India was inaugurated with partition at two ends of the nation and the Telangana uprising in its belly. The Telangana uprising, like other ...
ifp.co.in/shownews.php?newsid=7097 - Cached -In Karimnagar bypoll, TRS chief rides Telangana wave
2 Dec 2006 ... Yet the message in favour of Telangana is being carried to every farmer ... "After the separate Telangana uprising which culminated into a ...
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24 Dec 2009 ... The ongoing Telangana uprising is a blatant example of this Indian political saga. Telangana has been a conflicted province ever since the ...
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15 Dec 2009 ... Independence of India was inaugurated with partition at two ends of the nation and the Telangana uprising in its belly. ...
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Subtitle on cover: Women and the Telangana uprising. Subjects, Women revolutionaries - India - Telengana - Interviews. | Telengana (India) - Politics and ...
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Telangana Rebellion
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Telangana Rebellion | |||||
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Nizam appointed Razakars | People of Hyderabad State |
The Telangana Rebellion was a Communist led peasant revolt that took place in the former princely state of Hyderabad between 1946 and 1951. This was led by the Communist Party of India.
The revolt began in the Nalgonda district and quickly spread to the Warangal and Bidar districts. Peasant farmers and labourers revolted against the Nizam and the local feudal landlords (jagirdars and deshmukhs) who were loyal to the Nizam. The initial modest aims were to do away with the illegal and excessive exploitation meted out by these feudal lords in the name of bonded labour. The most strident demand was for the writing off of all debts of the peasants that were manipulated by the feudal lords.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Nizam's resistance to join Indian Union
At the same time the Nizam was resisting the Indian government's efforts to bring the Hyderabad state into the Indian Union. The government sent the army in September 1948 to annex the Hyderabad state into Indian Union. The Communist party instigated the peasants to use guerrilla tactics and around 3000 villages (about 41000 sq. kilometres) came under peasant-rule. The landlords were either killed or driven out and the land was redistributed. These victorious villages established communes reminiscent of Soviet mir (social)s to administer their region. These community governments were integrated regionally into a central organization. The rebellion was led by the Communist Party of India under the banner of Andhra Mahasabha.
Few among the well-known individuals at the forefront of the movement were great leaders like Puchalapalli Sundaraiah, Makineni Basavapunaiah , Chandra Rajeswara Rao, Raavi Narayana Reddy, the Urdu poet Makhdoom Mohiuddin, Hassan Nasir, Bhimreddy Narasimha Reddy, Mallu Venkata Narasimha Reddy , Mallu Swarajyam , Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Bai.
The violent phase of the movement ended in 1951 after the accession of Hyderabad into the Indian Union. This was the time when Razzakar Movement was started by Nizams, which was very violent and was also responsible for forcable conversions of religion.
[edit] Formation of Hyderabad State
The rebellion and the subsequent police action lead to the liberation of Hyderabad state from the Nizam's rule on 17 September 1948 and the dominion was merged into Indian Union eventually. Elections of 1952 led to the victory of Congress party in Hyderabad state. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was first chief minister of the Hyderabad state from 1952 to 1956.
And in 1956, Hyderabad State was merged with the Andhra state to form the present day Andhra Pradesh State.
[edit] In popular culture
- Krishan Chander's famous Hindi/Urdu novella Jab Khet Jage was based on the Telangana Rebellion. Film-maker Gautam Ghose gained acclaim 1979 when he used the story as the basis for his first feature film, the Telugu language Ma Bhoomi.
- Bandenka Bandi Katti is a famous song of the rebellion, written by Suddala Hanmanthu (Father of Suddala Ashok Teja, National award winner), and was known more as Bandi Hanmanthu
[edit] References
- Elliot, Carolyn M. (November 1974). "Decline of a Patrimonial Regime: The Telengana Rebellion in India, 1946-51". Journal of Asian Studies 34 (1): 24–47. http://www.scribd.com/doc/15377979/Decline-of-a-Patrimonial-Regime-The-Telengana-Rebellion-in-India-194651.
- Sanghatana, Stree Shakti (1989). We Were Making History: Life Stories of Women in the Telangana People's Struggle. St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0862326796.
- Puchalapalli, Sundarayya (February 1973). "Telangana People's Armed Struggle, 1946-1951. Part One: Historical Setting". Social Scientist 1 (7): 3–19. http://www.scribd.com/doc/15379761/Telangana-Peoples-Armed-Struggle-19461951-Part-One-Historical-Setting.
- Puchalapalli, Sundarayya (March 1973). "Telangana People's Armed Struggle, 1946-1951. Part Two: First Phase and Its Lessons". Social Scientist 1 (8): 18–42. http://www.scribd.com/doc/15380676/Telangana-Peoples-Armed-Struggle-19461951-Part-Two-First-Phase-and-Its-Lessons.
- Puchalapalli, Sundarayya (April 1973). "Telangana People's Armed Struggle, 1946-51. Part Three: Pitted against the Indian Army". Social Scientist 1 (9): 23–46. http://www.scribd.com/doc/15381749/Telangana-Peoples-Armed-Struggle-194651-Part-Three-Pitted-against-the-Indian-Army.
- Arutla, Ramachandra Reddy. Telangana Struggle Memoirs,(New Delhi: 1984). people s publishing house. ISBN 03987-2723 http://books.rediff.com/bookshop/bkproductdisplay.jsp.
- Thirumali, Inukonda (2003). Against Dora and Nizam : People's Movement in Telangana. Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi. ISBN 8173915792.
[edit] See also
Marathi knowledge must for taxi drivers: Maharashtra govt.
Maharashtra Government on Wednesday decided to issue taxi licenses to only those who have a domicile status of 15 years and are well-versed in Marathi language.
"As per a decision taken in the cabinet today, it has been decided that henceforth licenses to only those taxi drivers who have been a resident of the state for at least 15 years and can read and write Marathi will be issued," an official from the Chief Minister's office said.
Thanks to Chidambaram, our war will expand to wider areas: CPI (Maoist)
Thanks to Chidambaram, our war will expand to wider areas: CPI (Maoist)Text Size: | Topics: NEW DELHI: With the Centre cracking down on Maoists in West Bengal and other affected states and home minister P Chidambaram taking a hard line
Excerpts of an interview: Q: The government wants to establish its authority over areas controlled by Maoists. Chidambaram talks about a policy of clear-and-hold or wrest-control-develop or area domination in pockets of Maoist control. What do you have to say? A: Our actual control is confined to a small area when compared to the vast geographical area of our country. And this area is witnessing real development. The exploiting classes have absolute control over more than 90% of the country's geographical area. If at all they wish to reach out to the masses with their so-called reforms, who is preventing them from doing so? Instead of addressing problems of the poor in these vast regions under their absolute control, they are talking of recapturing territory from Maoists. Q: But the argument is that there can be no development without recapturing territory from Maoists. How do you counter this? A: The most important thing to keep in mind is: Guerrilla warfare is precisely developed to hit and run i.e., to hit at the enemy where he is vulnerable, harass the enemy, cut off his supplies, create instability and a sense of insecurity among the enemy forces, annihilate them bit by bit, and finally throw them out from the area. Hence, if the enemy wants to set up police and Army camps in the interior, he will not last long. He will be under constant attack and harassment from our PLGA and the people's militia. How long can the enemy stay in these malaria-prone, water-scarce, inhospitable regions without any support or cooperation from the people? It will ultimately turn out to be a graveyard for these mercenary forces. Q: So that is your strategy against the government? Why do you feel it will succeed? A: I am confident that within a short period, there will be demoralisation and desertion from these repressive forces. The one lakh-odd forces that Chidambaram is currently deploying in the Maoist areas cannot control a fraction of the entire region. These forces -- CRPF, BSF, EFR, IRB, CISF, ITBP, NSG, Cobras and various anti-Naxal special forces and elite commandos like the Greyhounds, STF, SOG, C-60 and so on -- and their state-sponsored terrorist gangs like the Salwa Judum, Sendra, TPC, JPC, NSS, Shanti Sena, Tigers and others will get more bogged down and sucked deeper into the people's war. Q: How can you be so confident? A: They can neither wrest control nor develop any of the regions but will get embroiled in a war of attrition causing deaths of innocent adivasis and lose their own forces in huge numbers. They can only destroy villages through their policy of kill all... The more destruction these forces cause, the faster our people's army will grow and our guerrilla war will spread to wider regions. Thanks to Salwa Judum, our war has achieved in four years what it would have otherwise achieved in two decades. Now thanks to Chidambaram, our war will expand to wider areas, mobilise wider masses, and will also gather new momentum and get new dynamism. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Thanks-to-Chidambaram-our-war-will-expand-to-wider-areas-CPI-Maoist/articleshow/5474138.cms |
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SC raps Chattisgarh on Salwa Judum
"You cannot give arms to somebody and allow him to kill," the Supreme Court on Monday said, while taking a serious note of a petition alleging that the Chattisgarh government was allegedly arming civilians involved in Salwa Judum movement to fight Naxals.
"It is a question of law and order. You (state government) cannot give arms to somebody (a civilian) and allow him to kill. You will be an abettor of the offence under Section 302 of the Indian Penal Code," a Bench comprising Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan and Justice Aftab Alam said.
The Bench said a neutral agency should inquire and assess whether people had joined Judum camps on their own.
The court's remarks came during the hearing of two petitions seeking a direction to the state government to refrain from allegedly supporting and encouraging the Salwa Judum, a people's movement to counter Naxalism.
The state government had earlier denied that Judum was a state-sponsored movement and said that action shall be taken if any Judum activist transgresses the confines of the law.
The PILs also alleged that the condition in Judum camps was bad and people involved in the movement should be allowed to go back to the forests in view of the upcoming sowing season.
During the hearing, Additional Solicitor General Gopal Subramanium said he met officials of the Intelligence Bureau officials and concerned ministry on the issue. He said the government has asked the Director, National Institute of Criminology, to probe the ground situation in these camps.
He said if the report does not satisfy the court, the Centre would be open to further suggestions.
Senior advocate Ashok Desai, appearing for sociologist Nandini Sundar, historian Ramchandra Guha, former bureaucrat E A S Sarma and others, who filed the petitions, said that the Veerapa Moily report on administrative reforms had pointed the there were problems in the camps.
Former Chief Election Commissioner J M Lyngdoh, who represented the National Council for Protection of Children, in his report also spoke about the atrocities faced by women and children in these camps, Desai said.
He claimed that the Centre had already favoured disbanding the Salwa Jadum.
However, after a brief hearing the Bench posted the hearing to April 15 saying it would be appropriate that the petitioners file an application pointing out the areas where an independent agency should go to inspect the camps.
The Chattisgarh government objected to the PILs contending that the petitioners eulogize extremism and killings by Naxalites [ Images ] who are torching police stations.
The PILs said it was necessary to inquire as to how tribals and villagers were living in camps in the jungles. The petitioners said they needed better treatment as they were caught the Naxalites and Salwa Judum.
The state in its reply had said "Salwa Judum is a voluntary, peaceful initiative of the people".
"It is not a state-sponsored and appropriate actions shall be taken if any Salwa Judum activist transgresses the confines of law," it has said in an affidavit.
It said Salwa Judum started as a "non-political" peaceful movement to resist the activities of Naxalites in the form of killing, kidnappings and plunder.
The petitioners contended that the Judum movement, which was launched to combat the Naxalites in June 2005 in Dantewara District of the state, has intensified violence and there was lawlessness in the district.
"Far from being a peaceful campaign, Salwa Judum activists are armed with guns, lathis, axes, bows and arrows," they said.
"As of January 2007, more than 47,000 people were living in the relief camps. The condition of these camps is deplorable and sub-human. Children's nutrition has been badly affected as inmates of these camps receive scant rations and the medical facilities remain scare," the petitioner had submitted in May last, when notices were issued to the state government and the Centre.
The petitioners have alleged that the residents of the district were forced by the security forces and activists of the movement to leave their villages and live in these camps.
"There is an acute lack of security since these camps were set up along the roadside and are vulnerable to retaliatory attacks by Naxalites," the petitioners said.
The petitioner also sought an independent enquiry into the alleged human rights violation by the Judum activists and security forces.
13 Maoists killed in Chhattisgar
ExpressBuzz.com | 2010-01-20 05:06:48
BHADRACHALAM: Thirteen Maoists and one Salwa Judum activist were killed in a firing be...
In Chhattisgarh, jail is the cost of filing a public interest litigation plea
The Hindu | 2010-01-17 03:00:46
by the Salwa Judum and security forces have yet to be addressed. Keywords: Chhattisga...
Rights activists fight for Dantewada tribals
Hindustan Times | 2010-01-14 01:20:46
are trying to fight the violations of law by the Salwa Judum — the state-backed ini...
Over Rs 32 cr spent on Salwa Judum relief camps
WebIndia123 | 2010-01-13 21:05:52
The Chhattisgarh government has spent over Rs 32 crore for running 23 Salwa Judum reli...
Conduct worthy of a police state
The Hindu | 2010-01-11 20:56:37
-supported vigilantes in the name of Salwa Judum and 'Special Police Officers...
Police took control of the body of the Osmania University student who had committed suicide and several Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) leaders were arrested Wednesday as protests for statehood to Andhra Pradesh's Telangana region took a violent turn.
Telengana Betrayed once again as the latest news update highlights that Cops hijack Osmania student's body as violence escalates. I have written that I got Phone Call from Raipur while the latest human face of GESTAPO Hegemony of Economic Ethnic Cleansing, Ms Mamata Banerjee, the MIC Railway was addressing a Public Meeting in Jhargram and issuing ULTIMATUM to the Maoists! Air Force stood set to go for the Kill, AIR STRIKE against aboriginal India. Telengana on the other hand bears the BURN Wounds since Peasants Uprising was betrayed by the Brahmin Communists of India aligned with Brahamin Bania Raj Head Kashmiri Brahmin, Pdt. Jawahar Lal Nehru. To me, the Mass Destruction Landscape in the Dandakarany is quite VISIBLE as no less than Thirty Millions of Bengali and Tamil Refugees are Stranded along with Aboriginal Tribes, the Nature associated original Humanity in Negroid Black Untouchable India, Amidst Cross Fire in Between so called Maoists and the Military Power of India assisted by CIA and Mossad and NGOs Foreign Money fed! It is the ongoing Monopolistic Aggression to eject out the Masters of natural resources and transfer the treasure landscape to LPG Mafia. Hence, the Telengana Updates relates to the Worldwide game plan of Man Made Holocaust while our People are being killed in Gas Chambers of US Promoted Free Market Democracy! It is SALWA JUDUM All OVER!
I have been getting SOS and Phone calls from Malkangiri, Bhuvneshwar, Cuttack and kalahandi as the Crisis seems to be Pandemic for our Tribal and Non Tribal People in Orissa. Unique Identity Number Projects strikes against the People of Mahakal Para in Kendrapara District as well as Five Coastal Districts of Orissa. The People within the Maoist red corridor as well as the people around Chilka lake face the same calamities. Arundhati Ray article in outlook only Projected VEDANT in Aggression mode while Tatas and Pasco ready to displace the Tribal, OBC , Sc and ST Population in Orissa.Refugee leader Ravi Sarkar from Cuttack, BMACEF Activist KL Biswas and Jagadish Roy from Mumbai,Tribal leader from DUNGARPUR Rajasthan, BL Parmar, Colnel S Barves, Professor Vijoy Kumar, the writer and OBC leader from Kochi, Kerala, Mr Godara, Convener of Jat Maha Panchayat from Jaipur, Bamcef Activists from MP, UP, Haryana, Punjab, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamilnadu, Karnataka, Rjasthan and other parts of North India continue to send Feed Backs of Acute Crisis.
I Never analyse the Problems on regional basis as NO Problem seem Local to me. My father Pulin babu, the refugee leader believed that every local Problem is connected with National as well as international Roots. Hence, you have to address the national Economy, Polity and Policy Making.
It is quite impossible while you LIMIT yourself within the ISLANDS of either human scape or land scpae or even Political Border and geopolitics, artificially created by TRI IBLIS Zionist Brhamin and US Corporate Imperialist galaxy Order!
Thus, it is SALWA JUDUM all over as we indulge ourselves in In fights and civil war amongst us divided in Manusmriti Zionist Regime! First, we must get the Escape ROUTE from this worldwide Trap!
Meanwhile,Maoists, who are active in North Eastern state of India have warned the government to expand the war to wider areas. CPI (Maoist) spokesperson and member of the party's central committee Azad said the area under their control was witnessing real development.Maoists will launch counter offensive if, they are attacked by the government forces, he warned.
He warned the government that it should not try to recapture the Maoists-controlled areas. The Maoists would throw them out by implying guerillas tactics, he said.
"Now thanks to Chidambaram, our war will expand to wider areas, mobilize wider masses, and will also gather new momentum and get new dynamism," he added.
Milk prices set to increase in north India: Pawar
New Delhi: Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar Wednesday indicated that the price of milk would increase in north India on account of a dip in milk production.
"There is a gap of 18 lakh tonnes between demand and the current milk supply," the minister said here even while maintaining that the government was looking into the issue of price rise.
Pawar was addressing the national conference of state ministers of animal husbandry and dairy here.
Earlier in the day, a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) delegation, led by senior leader L.K. Advani and president Nitin Gadkari, met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at his 7, Race Course Road residence to "convey the concern of the people" on the rising prices of food articles.
The prime minister has called a meeting of chief ministers here Jan 27 to discuss the issue.
Source: IANS
China's military build-up figures in India-US talks !
Al-Qaeda planning to target India, Declares Robert Gates!
China's military build-up figured Wednesday in the talks between Defence Minister A.K. Antony and visiting US Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates, who said its implications were among the issues discussed. Both sides also agreed on greater engagement with China on military matters.
United States Defense Secretary Robert Gates on Wednesday warned India about the possibility of it facing more terror strikes from Al-Qaeda and Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT).
Gates who is visiting India, told the media persons: "The LeT which is operating in league with al-Qaeda is dangerous for the whole region of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India."
Gates said terror groups were planning more attacks on India to destablise the country and only cooperation among all the countries will lead to the reduction and if possible elimination of the threat.
"It is important to recognise that there is threat in the entire region from the Al-Qaeda and it has been identified that the area of Afghanistan and Pakistan border is a safe haven for these terrorist groups," he said
"It is the Qaeda along with the Taliban that is acting in Afghanistan. The Tehreek-e-Taliban is focusing on Pakistan and the Qaeda along with the LeT is focusing on not only Pakistan but also on India," Gates added.
Recognising this as a complicated situation he said, "The situation is complicated in the region. The terrorists operations intend to destablise the region and a 26/11 type of attack on India will test New Delhi''s patience.
" It is important for us to recognise the magnitude of the threat and try to reduce and eliminate the threat from the region. This requires maximum cooperation amongst us," he added.
'India's patience on terror not unlimited'
New Delhi: Appreciating India's restraint after the brazen Mumbai attacks in 2008, visiting US Defence Secretary Robert Gates Wednesday said it is "not reasonable" to think that New Delhi's patience would be unlimited in the face of another terrorist act.
"India has responded with great restraint and statesmanship after the Mumbai terror attacks. But the ability to continue with it after another attack is under question... It is not reasonable to assume that Indian patience is unlimited in case of another attack," Gates said at a press conference here after meeting Indian Defence Minister A.K. Antony.
When asked if he had warned the Indian leadership of another imminent attack by terrorist outfits, Gates said there is better cooperation among states at present.
"I think there is very close cooperation not only between India and the US but other powers also. They also give warning information about such attacks or if some planning is going on," Gates added.
Gates arrived in India Tuesday on a two-day visit and has met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna, besides Antony.
'We did talk in more generic terms about the security of the Indian Ocean. There was discussion about China's military modernisation programme, what it meant and the intentions for the military build up,' Gates told reporters here after meeting Antony.
'There is a desire to engage China militarily, to have more routine dialogue so that we can iron out any misunderstandings. Dialogue plays an important role in avoiding miscalculations. We feel that dialogue will be more productive,' added Gates, who arrived in New Delhi Tuesday on a two-day visit.
Last year China staged its largest army exercise. Close to 50,000 troops were deployed during the cross-country tactical mobilisation exercise that sent alarm bells ringing in India as it was being seen as Beijing's efforts to improve its ability to deploy troops in Tibet whenever reinforcements are required.
The impressive show of strength by China during its 60th National Day parade Oct 1, 2009 also underlined the need for India and the US to engage Beijing in terms of military cooperation.
There have been several high level military exchanges between India and China in the last two years. This apart, the two armies conducted joint exercises in 2008 and plan to do so again in 2011.
At least a dozen students and five policemen were injured in clashes in the sprawling Osmania University campus during the funeral procession of Venugopal Reddy, a final year MCA (master of computer applications) student, who had set himself on fire early Tuesday to protest the delay in carving out a Telangana state.
The campus turned into a battle zone as police fired several rounds in the air, lobbed teargas shells and cane-charged to disperse the students, who were pelting stones.
The clashes erupted when police and paramilitary forces tried to stop hundreds of students from marching towards the city centre with Venugopal Reddy's body.
Police stopped the procession near the Ladies Hostel in the campus. The students wanted to take the body to Martyrs' Memorial near the state assembly building.
The police took control of the ambulance carrying Venugopal Reddy's body and took it to his home in Nalgonda. The students' Joint Action Committee (JAC) kept his body in the campus through Tuesday night and had planned to take it to Nalgonda in a procession.
The JAC was planning to keep the body at the Martyrs' Memorial and force all MPs and legislators from Telangana to resign in support of the demand for a separate state.
Police also arrested TRS legislators Harish Rao, E. Rajender and Taraka Rama Rao. Harish Rao blamed police for the violence saying the students were peaceful and wanted to take the body to the memorial to enable people to pay their last respects.
Ruling Congress legislator R. Damodar Reddy also held the police responsible. "The police should not provoke peaceful protestors, otherwise the government will be responsible for the consequences."
After suicides over Telangana, shutdown hits life in region
Normal life in Hyderabad and nine other districts of the Telangana region came to a halt as a 48-hour shutdown called by the Joint
Fresh violence was reported at the Osmania University, the nerve centre of the Telangana crisis, in Hyderabad today with police having to resort to lathicharge and injuring some students.
The state-owned Road Transport Corporation (RTC) suspended its bus services fearing attacks by bandh supporters following which office-goers had a tough time in reaching their destinations, while shops, business establishments and educational institutions remained closed in Telangana districts like Medak, Nizamabad, Nalgonda and Karimnagar.
Auto drivers and other private vehicle owners had a field day as commuters paid high fares demanded by them. Petrol pumps remained closed at various places in Hyderabad since late last night.
All political parties have supported the shutdown. The JAC called for a strike after two students, depressed over the delay in carving out a separate Telangana state, committed suicide.
K. Venugopal Reddy, a final year student of MCA, set himself ablaze at Osmania University here late Monday. Suvarnamma, a first year BSc student in Mahabubnagar district, set herself ablaze late Tuesday.
Tension prevailed at Osmania University campus for the second consecutive day as students continued their protest with the body of Reddy. The JAC leaders, who sat in front of the Arts College building with the body through Tuesday night, said they would not allow it to be moved unless all MPs and state legislators from the region resign in support of the Telangana statehood demand.
In an attempt to shift the body, police brought additional forces to the campus Wednesday morning.
The self-immolations triggered angry protests by students across Telangana. The students' JAC called for a two-day shutdown Wednesday and Thursday. The politicians' JAC, which comprises all parties including the ruling Congress, has supported the shutdown for Wednesday.
The JAC also announced that all elected representatives would submit their resignations from Wednesday and those who have already done so would press for their acceptance.
Five legislators of Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) and one of Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) began a sit-in at the house of assembly speaker Kirankumar Reddy Tuesday night, urging him to immediately accept their resignations. The speaker, however, sought two to three days to take a decision.
With the legislators continuing their protest, the police took them into custody. They were later released.
All 39 legislators of main opposition Telugu Desam Party (TDP) have also decided to press the speaker to accept their resignations.
13 Maoists killed in Chhattisgar
BHADRACHALAM: Thirteen Maoists and one Salwa Judum activist were killed in a firing between Maoists and the police in the dense Pareshgadh forest area of Beejapur district near Andhra Pradesh border in Chhattisgharh in the wee hours of Tuesday.According to information reaching here, on a tip off that a plenary camp of 150 members of Maoists was being held in the dense Pareshgadh forest area, a posse of Chhattisgharh police along with special armed commandos swung into action and surrounded the camp and asked them to surrender immediately.
However, the Maoists refused to heed the police warning and opened opened fire forcing the latter to retaliate.The firing began after midnight and continued till the wee hours of Tuesday.Thirteen Maoists and a Salwa Judum activist were killed in the incident.Two police personnel were injured. The injured were rushed to Beejapur Government Hospital.According to Beejapur SP Avinash Mahanti, the bodies of Maoists were yet to be identified and they were kept at the Beejapur government hospital.The SP said most of the Maoists fled into the forest soon after the exchange of fire began. However, the police recovered kit bags and Maoist literature from the site.
Mob attacks activists on fact-finding mission in Dantewada
A group of prominent social activists including Medha Patkar and Magasaysay award winner Sandeep Pandey were confronted by an angry mob, which the activists claimed was staged and constituted of Salwa Judum Special Police Officers (SPOs), here on Wednesday.
Around 25-30 activists from across the country had reached Dantewada for a fact-finding mission and a public hearing organized by prominent Gandhian activist Himanshu Kumar. However, when the activists were on their way to meet the Dantewada SP on Wednesday, an angry mob confronted them and threw stones, eggs and raw sewage onto them shouting slogans like "maowadi wapas jao, medha patkar wapas jao" (Maoists go back, Medha Patkar go back).
The fact-finding team included Medha Patkar and Sandeep Pandey of National Alliance of People's Movements, Kavita Srivastava of People's Union for Civil Liberties and D. Gabriele from Penn Urimai Iyakkam among others.
"We were attacked by a mob that had a number of Salwa Judum SPOs," Medha Patkar told The Hindu over phone. "We even saw the attackers talk conspiringly to the policemen surrounding us for our protection and although the mob was eventually dispersed by a light lathicharge, it looked like the whole thing was managed," said Ms. Patkar.
"We had nothing to do with naxals or any other violent group. We only went their for a public hearing on tribal rights," said Ms.Patkar.
The activists further alleged that the local and national media coverage of the whole incident has been manipulated by the administration and skewed and one-sided reports have reached the people.
"The whole thing started as a skirmish between local journalists and some freelancers from outside and turned ugly later," said Dantewada SP Ambreesh Kumar Mishra. "When we saw the mob was turning violent we used force to disperse them and now the situation is under control. There were no SPOs in the mob," he added.
"There were a lot of drunk men led by local journalists and they attacked a perfectly peaceful gathering," said another activist Madhumita. "They were violent and seemed threatening," she said.
http://beta.thehindu.com/news/national/article77725.ece
Citing inflation, Mayawati seeks Pawar's removal
Shifting the blame for the price rise on the Union Agriculture Minister, Sharad Pawar, the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, Mayawati on Wednesday demanded his removal from the post. Ms. Mayawati has threatened to boycott the meeting of Chief Ministers convened by the Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh on January 27 for discussing price rise if Mr. Pawar is not ousted as Union Agriculture Minister by then.
"It would be in the interest of the poor and downtrodden people that Mr. Pawar is removed as Agriculture Minister," Ms. Mayawati said. She assailed Mr. Pawar for having said that milk prices might go up.
"If no action against Mr. Pawar is taken by Dr. Singh it would prove that the Union Agriculture Minister has the Prime Minister's backing in respect to giving "irresponsible statements", Ms. Mayawati told reporters in a hastily convened press conference here on Wednesday.
Referring to Mr. Pawar's reported statement on Wednesday on the impending milk crisis in north India and the subsequent rise in the prices of the commodity after that of sugar and rice, the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister said this was not for the first time the Union Agriculture Minister had given a irresponsible statement. She said the hoarders and black marketers would be emboldened by Mr. Pawar's observation. Ms. Mayawati feared that following Mr. Pawar's statement the milk prices would go.
Ms. Mayawati said even as the Prime Minister had convened a meeting of Chief Ministers for finding measures to control prices, the Union Agriculture Minister was making such statements, which would embolden hoarders and black marketers to continue with their nefarious trade.
While holding the UPA Government responsible for the increase in the prices of foodgrains and essential commodities, the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister said Mr. Pawar's statements have further fuelled the price spiral. Ms. Mayawati said in U.P. stern directives have been issued to the officials for taking strict action against hoarders.
In fresh directives issued on Wednesday, the sub-divisional magistrates in all the 71 districts have been directed to conduct weekly surprise inspection of the markets for keeping a check on the prices.
Ms. Mayawati criticised the Maharashtra Government's decision on making the knowledge of Marathi language and 15 years duration of residing in the state mandatory for giving permits for new taxis. Stating that the decision is politically motivated, the UP CM expressed the Bahujan Samaj Party's opposition to the move.
http://beta.thehindu.com/news/states/other-states/article83299.eceDespite the great "restraint" shown by India after the Mumbai attacks by Pakistan-based militants, New Delhi could easily lose
"I think it's not unreasonable to assume Indian patience would be limited were there to be further attacks," Gates told reporters on a trip to New Delhi. Gates described India as a vital strategic partner fighting the threat posed by Islamist militants in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The 2008 attacks on Mumbai, which left 166 dead and which India has blamed on the Pakistan-based Islamist group Lashkar-e-Taiba, underlined the importance of maritime security, he said. "The attack in Mumbai came from the sea. So there's a definite need to track the movement of people who want to do harm to us out there," the official said.
In separate meetings with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Foreign Minister S.M. Krishna on Tuesday, Gates discussed "regional security" and offered reassurances over the target date of July 2011 for starting a drawdown of American forces, a US defence official said.
Gates, mindful of India's concerns about an early US exit, pledged the United States would remain committed to Kabul with major economic and diplomatic support even as its military presence is gradually scaled back after mid-2011, the official told reporters.
He told PM and Krishna that "we intend to be involved in the region for a very long time," said the official, who spoke on condition of anonymity.
The visit of Gates signifies the first high-level talks between the two countries after Manmohan Singh's visit to the US last November.
His visit comes at a time when India-US relations are at their best in decades.
Primitive tribes left in lurch, no devp benefits reach them: Commission
PUCL, April 2006
When state makes war on its own people
A report on violations of people's rights during the Salwa Judum campaign in Dantewada, Chhitsgarh, April 2006
Since June 2005, Dantewada District (formerly part of Bastar district), Chhattisgarh, has been in the news for an alleged uprising of adivasis against the Communist Party of India (Maoist). Most media and official reports described this movement, known as Salwa Judum, as a spontaneous and self-initiated reaction to Maoist oppression, and hailed it as a turning point in the fight against Naxalism.
At the same time, a few reports indicated that people had been displaced in large numbers and were living in miserable conditions in camps. While this was officially attributed to Maoist threats and retaliation against those joining the Salwa Judum, stray news also came in about the forcible emptying out of villages as part of the government's anti-Maoist policy, and of excesses committed by members of the Salwa Judum and security forces.
A fourteen-member team from five organizations conducted an investigation between 28 November and 1 December 2005 in Bijapur and Bhairamgarh blocks of Dantewada district, focusing specifically on the violation of human rights and the impact on people's everyday lives. The organisations are: People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) Chhattisgarh, People's Union For Civil Liberties (PUCL) Jharkhand, People's Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) Delhi, Association for the Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR) West Bengal, and Indian Association of People's Lawyers (IAPL).
The information in this report is based on: a) Discussions with government officials and paramilitary forces; b) interviews with people in Bhairamgarh, Matwada, Meertur and Gangaloor camps; c) discussions with people we met in villages that we visited, d) interviews with leaders and members of the Salwa Judum; and e) discussions with fact-finding members of a CPI team. We have also relied on the CPI's Open Letter to the Prime Minister dated 16 November 2005, detailing their findings, two CPI (Maoist) press releases dated 10 October 2005 and 20 November 2005, and their Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee newsletter, Prabhat, dated July-December 2005, as well as press clippings from June 2005 till the present. On the basis of the fact-finding, three facts stood out strongly, all of which ran counter to the government's assertions: First, it is clear that the Salwa Judum is not a spontaneous people's movement, but a state-organized anti-insurgency campaign. Second, it is misleading to describe the situation as simply one where ordinary villagers are caught between the Maoists and the military. The Maoists have widespread support and as long as people continued to live in the villages, it was difficult for the government to isolate the Maoists. Rather than questioning its own nonperformance on basic development, the government has resorted to clearing villages on a large scale. Tens of thousands of people are now refugees in temporary roadside camps or living with relatives with complete disruption of their daily lives. Prospects for their return are currently dim. Third, the entire operation, instead of being a peace mission as it is claimed, has escalated violence on all sides.
However, only the murders by Maoists are recognized, and the Salwa Judum and paramilitary operate with complete impunity. The rule of law has completely broken down.
Press Release at Raipur, 2nd December 2005
http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Human-rights/2006/slawajudum.htmSalwa Judum
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Salwa Judum (meaning "Peace March" in Gondi language) is an anti-Naxalite movement in Chhattisgarh, India, which started in 2005 as a people's resistance movement against the naxalites, a far-left movement in some states in rural India that is designated by India as a terrorist organization on account of their violent Maoist activities in the state[1] The Salwa Judum movement later received bi-partisan support from both the opposition and ruling parties.[1][2] A few years later the state government adopted the salwa judum movement in order to restore democratic rule to the regions where the naxalites had established themselves by force[3].
Naxalite forces had come to control parts of the Indian state of Chhattisgarh by claiming to wage a "people's war" against the Indian state allegedly in favor of neglected tribal minorities in the region. They have been heavily criticized for violent revolutionary activities and vicious campaigns of terrorism, including forced sterilization and cannibalism[4].
Chhattisgarh state has over the years trained a number of SPOs or 'Special Police Officers', from amongst the tribals, who are part of Salwa Judum in the state, also with its formation the state witnessed a marked rise in success against Naxalite action [5], as a result in 2008, Chhattisgarh along with neighboring Jharkhand accounted for over 65% of the total naxal violence in the country [6]. The Chhattisgarh government on February 5, 2009, told the Supreme Court that the Salwa Judum was slowly disappearing in the State.[7].
With success of counter-strikes on Naxalite hideouts in south Chhattisgarh, Maoist activities in the bordering districts of Orissa saw a rise in 2008, thus in Feb 2009, the Central government announced its plans for simultaneous, co-ordinated counter-operations in all Maoist extremism-hit states - Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Bihar, UP and West Bengal, to plug all possible escape routes of Naxalites [8].
Contents[hide] |
[edit] History
Bastar and Dantewada districts of Chhattisgarh have traditionally been sparsely populated, rich in natural resources, and yet some of the poorest tribal regions. Here the Maoist terrorists (Naxalites) have continued to enlarge their base by enslaving the local tribals over the past two decades, by the 1990s, they had formed a parallel government like the Taliban in the region, even issuing diktats to the tribals of the region [9]. The first rebellion against the Naxalites was the 'Jan Jagran Abhiyan', started by Mahendra Karma in 1991; this later collapsed, leading to large scale killings of tribals by Naxalites. So when another uprising occurred against Maoist diktats in 2005, like ban on collection of Tendu leaves, and participating in state elections, tribals near Kutru village in Bijapur tehsil of Dantewada district took out rallies in June 2005 [9], this time the government supported it. Later these tribals ran for safety to police camps fearing backlash from the Maoist (Naxalites), which in turn provided them protection. This was the beginning of the police support to the movement, a local tribal leader, Mahendra Karma, a Congress MLA and the leader of opposition in the State Legislative Assembly, jumped into the fray as a political opportunity becoming the public front he took the Bijapur-based movement to Dantewada, Katreli and other villages in the region [10][11].
As Salwa Judum got stronger in the coming months, holding rallies village after village, and recruiting members, and its member started getting armed as SPOs as a part of setting up local vigilante groups across villages, as a government's counter insurgency move [12], the conflict with the Naxalites also escalated, and by September over 10,000 villagers from in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh had to flee home fearing Naxalite action [13], even the government forces had to bear the brunt of retaliatory moves of the Naxalites [14][15], and increased activity of the Naxalite outfit Communist Party of India (Maoist) was also reported in the following months [16]. By end 2006, just as tens of thousands of tribals, many carrying bows and arrows, gathered in the state capital, Raipur, protesting against Maoist rebel violence [17], over 50,000 people had already been displaced by the conflict [18]
As the situation further escalated in the coming years, Human Rights Watch reported atrocities at both ends, and reported large scale displacement of the civilian population caught in the conflict between the Naxalites and Salwa Judum activists with at least 100,000 people moving to various camps in southern Chhattisgarh or fleeing to neighbouring Andhra Pradesh as of early 2008.[19][20], By mid-2008 the figure grew to 150,000 tribals being displaced.[21].
As on March 4 2006, a total of 45,958 Adivasi villagers from 644 villages in 6 blocks of Dantewada district have come under Salwa Judum programme, showing the popularity of the movement. Intelligence agencies strongly support the movement as front line of defence against naxalites.
Since the inception of the movement in 2005, over 800 people, including some 300 security personnel, have been killed by the Naxalites, SPO deaths alone total 98 — one in 2005; 29 in 2006; 66 in 2007; and 20 in 2008 [11][22], when the Maoists rebels continued their attacks, though now considerably less dramatic from the previous years, they were now splitting into smaller groups and specifically targeting Salwa Judum leaders and security personnel who were ambushed in weekly markets in remote areas, and their weapons stolen, also posters threatening Salwa Judum leaders continued to appear in villages across Dantewada and Bijapur [23]. However by mid-2008, movement's frontliner, Mahender Karma announced that it will soon cease to exist [21], and end 2008, saw Salwa Judum which had controlled the lives of tribal people in camps and its influenced villages for nearly three years losing its hold in the region; the number of people living in the camps dropped from earlier 50,000 to 13,000 and public support was dwindled away [24]. An NHRC report published in October 2008, said that Salwa Judum having lost its earlier momentum was only restricted to its 23 camps in the Dantewada and Bijapur districts of Chhattisgarh [25]
[edit] Development of Special Police Officers (SPOs)
The Chhattisgarh state Police employs tribal youths as SPOs (Special Police Officers), which are essentially 4,000 youth, both ex-Naxalites and those drawn from Salwa Judum camps in the Bastar region, who are paid an honorarium of Rs 3,300 per month, with government of India contributing Rs 1,800 and the state police pitching in with another Rs 1,500, and given general weapon handling training, mostly .303 rifles, under the provisions of the Police Act which provides for engaging a person to assist security forces, and employed in the five Naxal-affected districts of Bastar region, to lead and guide the anti-Naxal forces during operations in the inhospitable jungles of Bastar and also to keep guard at relief camps housing Salwa Judum families.
In 2008, there were 23 Salwa Judum camps in Bijapur and Dantewara districts of Bastar region where almost 50,000 tribals from over 600 villages had settled [11][22]. The government has defended the Salwa Judum movement and refrained from discrediting it, despite pressure from it Left allies, as setting up Village Defence Committees (VDCs), has been a tested model of police-civilian co-operation in conflict area such as Jammu & Kashmir and the Northeast, and dacoit-infested areas of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and UP[26]. Union Minister of Home Affairs, P. Chidambaram has praised the role of special police officers (SPOs) in fighting Naxalism and called for their appointment "wherever required." [27], while the Chhattisgarh Chief Minister, Raman Singh has stated that "Salwa Judum is the answer to get rid of the naxal menace in the state.." [28].
[edit] Controversy
There have been numerous reports that the Salwa Judum had recruited minors for its armed forces. A primary survey evaluated by the Forum for Fact-finding Documentation and Advocacy (FFDA) determined that over 12,000 minors were being used by the Salwa Judum in the southern district of Dantewada and that the Chhattisgarh Government had "officially recruited 4200 Special Police Officers (SPOs); many of them being easily identifiable as minors".[29] The Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) also found that the Salwa Judum had engaged in the recruitment of child soldiers.[30] Similar recruitment findings were also reported in the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers's "Child Soldiers Global Report 2008 – India".[31]
Some human rights organizations affiliated to Maoist such as the People's Union for Civil Liberties has raised allegations that Salwa Judum is a government-backed organisation [32][33][34], supported by the Chhattisgarh government, but a fact finding commission of National Human Rights Commission of India (NHRC), appointed by Supreme Court of India found out that Salwa Judum was a "spontaneous reaction by the tribals to defend themselves against the "reign of terror unleashed by the Naxalites." The report also said that, 15 years after Jan Jagran Abhiyan , an earlier attempt to deal with Naxalites, "local tribals once again mustered courage to stand up to the Naxalites, which only goes to show their sense of desperation".[25][35]. It also found out that allegations against Salwa Judum were distortions of truth by some biased human right organisations.[36]
In its report released in 2007, the Committee Against Violence On Women (CAVOW), linked significant increase in incidences of violence against women in Chhattisgarh's Dantewara district to Maoist, and called for a review of the Government's counter-insurgency strategy [37].
In April 2008, a Supreme Court bench directed the state Government to refrain from allegedly supporting and encouraging the Salwa Judum: "It is a question of law and order. You cannot give arms to somebody (a civilian) and allow him to kill. You will be an abettor of the offence under Section 302 of the Indian Penal Code."; the state government had earlier denied, Salwa Judum being a state-sponsored movement [22][38], later it directed the state government to take up the remedial measures suggested in the NHRC earlier report [39]
In December 2008, replying to a petition filed in the Supreme Court, the state government acknowledged that Salwa Judum and security forces had burnt houses and looted property [40]
Later In September 2009 the government of India defended the Chhattisgarh government's Salwa Judum strategy of arming tribals to attack Maoist insurgents and their sympathizers. "I think the Salwa Judum was a genuine people's movement and the naxalites were frightened by it. But thanks to NGOs and other extraneous elements, it was undermined and completely destroyed."[41]
[edit] Effects
Encouraged by the highly positive results of the movement in the region, the government is planning to launch a people's movement in insurgency hit state of Manipur on similar lines. In 2006, Karnataka raised a similar force employing tribals youths to fight Naxalism in the state, as did Andhra Pradesh prior to it [42] Jharkhand is another state that has been successfully using SPOs to counter Leftwing terrorists.[27]
[edit] In media
- Channel 4's Unreported World telecasted a programme titled "India's Hidden War" in October 2006, on the Maoist war against the state and people of India[43]
[edit] Further reading
- The Adivasis of Chhattisgarh: Victims of the Naxalite Movement and Salwa Judum Campaign, by Asian Centre for Human Rights. Published by Asian Centre for Human Rights, 2006.
[edit] References
- ^ a b [1] Ramachandra Guha.
- ^ [2] Kanchan Gupta.
- ^ [3] Pioneer
- ^ [4] The Hindu
- ^ CoBRA reaches Bastar to join anti-Naxal ops Indian Express, February 5, 2009.
- ^ Centre gives its tacit approval to Salwa Judum Times of India, January 8, 2009.
- ^ .Salwa Judum disappearing: Chhattisgarh The Hindu, Friday, February 6, 2009.
- ^ Co-ordinated operations to flush out Naxalites soon Economic Times, February 6, 2009.
- ^ a b The saga of Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh E.A.S. Sarma , The Hindu, June 26, 2006.
- ^ Inside India's hidden war The Guardian, May 9, 2006.
- ^ a b c 'Salwa Judum can't work in the long run' Chhattisgarh Director General of Police Vishwa Ranjan. Business Standard, January 13, 2008.
- ^ Villagers take on India's Maoists BBC News, June 23, 2006.
- ^ War against Naxals that backfired The Times of India, September 25, 2005.
- ^ Meeting the Naxal challenge Rediff.com, October 11, 2005.
- ^ Landmine attack near Bijapur in which 24 security personnel, including 22 CRPF personnel killed The Hindu, Monday, September 5, 2005.
- ^ Naxal outfit Communist Party of India (Maoist) becomes active The Hindu, December 30, 2005.
- ^ People power to combat Maoists The Telegraph, December 20, 2006.
- ^ Indian tribals march, vow to defeat Maoists Reuters, Boston Globe, December 19, 2006.
- ^ 'Salwa Judum, forces too violating rights' The Times of India, July 16, 2008."The 182-page report — 'Being Neutral Is Our Biggest Crime: Government, Vigilante and Naxalite Abuses in India's Chhattisgarh State' — documents human rights abuses against civilians, particularly tribals, caught in a tug-of-war between government forces, Salwa Judum and Naxalites. "
- ^ Indian state 'backing vigilantes' BBC News, July 15, 2008.
- ^ a b How the Salwa Judum experiment went wrong The Mint, July 10, 2008.
- ^ a b c Hearing plea against Salwa Judum, SC says State cannot arm civilians to kill Indian Express, April 1, 2008.
- ^ at least 18 people associated with Salwa Judum were killed during this period .. Indian Express, July 23, 2008.
- ^ Salwa Judum may stay in Bastar after polls NDTV, November 13, 2008.
- ^ a b 'Existence of Salwa Judum necessary' Economic Times, October 6, 2008.
- ^ Centre defends Salwa Judum as necessity Economic Times, April 2, 2008.
- ^ a b Chidambaram all praise for SPOs Economic Times, January 8, 2009.
- ^ Salwa Judum is answer to naxal menace: Raman Singh Times of India, January 10, 2009.
- ^ Zemp, Ueli; Mohapatra, Subash (2007-07-29). "Child Soldiers in Chhattisgarh: Issues, Challenges and FFDA's Response". http://www.otherindia.org/dev/images/stories/feda_child.pdf. Retrieved 2009-05-31.
- ^ The Adivasis of Chhattisgarh: Victims of the Naxalite Movement and Salwa Judum Campaign. New Delhi: Asian Centre for Human Rights. 2006. p. 42. ISBN 81-88987-14-X. http://www.achrweb.org/reports/india/Chattis0106.pdf. Retrieved 2009-05-31.
- ^ "Child Soldiers Global Report 2008 – India". Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers. 2008-05-20. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/topic,463af2212,469f2dcf2,486cb108c,0.html. Retrieved 2009-05-31.
- ^ "Findings about the Salwa Judum in Dantewara district". 2005-02-12. http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Human-rights/2005/salwa-judum-report.htm.
- ^ "Salwa Judum report". South Asia Intelligence Review of the South Asia Terrorism Portal. http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/sair/archives/4_33.htm.
- ^ "Salwa Judum report". Asian Council For Human Rights. http://www.achrweb.org/Review/2006/117-06.htm.
- ^ DNAIndia
- ^ dnaIndia
- ^ Report recommends withdrawal of Salwa Judum The Hindu, January 19, 2007.
- ^ SC raps Chattisgarh on Salwa Judum Rediff.com, March 31, 2008.
- ^ Implement NHRC recommendations on Salwa Judum, Supreme Court asks Chhattisgarh government The Hindu, September 20, 2008.
- ^ Salwa Judum victims assured of relief The Hindu, December 16, 2008.
- ^ Centre for new war on Maoists "The Hindu",September 24, 2009.
- ^ Tribal youths will now fight Naxals The Times of India, May 11, 2006.
- ^ India's Hidden War Channel 4, Friday 27 October 2006.
[edit] External links
- The Adivasis of Chhattisgarh: Victims of Naxalite Movement and Salwa Judum Campaign
- Unreported World: India's Hidden War
- Naxal Issues
- [5]
- Economic and Political Weekly Article on NHRC report
- Report of the IAPL Fact Finding Mission
- Video Documentary (20 mn.) on Salwa Judum Camps
Salwa Judum: Strategy that backfired
Last month the Salwa Judum completed three years in Chhattisgarh.
Thirty years back, the Naxals walked into a void created by an absence of governance in a difficult tribal terrain and stayed on to gain in strength. A reluctant State was on the back foot all along.
Three years back, the state decided to hit back with the Salwa Judum, many say with a firm push from India Inc. According to the Reserve Bank of India [ Get Quote ], Chhattisgarh received maximum investment in comparison to any other Indian state in the last two years.
The government projects the Salwa Judum as a spontaneous Gandhian movement to be replicated in other states.
Before the Salwa Judum
There are many in Bastar who are angry with Naxals and have been fighting to throw them out.
'Salwa Judum can't work in the long run'
Prominent among them is the Village Suraksha Samiti movement started in 2001. The leaders of this peaceful anti-Naxal movement claim it had reached more than 100 villages before Salwa Judum appeared on the horizon.
They ask why their peaceful movement was not supported by the government.
The launch of Salwa Judum
In the first week of June 2005, two newspapers published a news article about the coming together of locals disgruntled with the Naxals, at Karkeli village.
It was commended as a spontaneous uprising and the start of Salwa Judum.
Armed might won't defeat the Naxals
One of the editors told me, "I got the news from an anonymous phone call after which I got a confirmation from the police."
But the local reporters in the nearby town of Kutru did not report the event!
The first big Salwa Judum rally was planned subsequently in Bijapur town. The 'Salwa Judum leader' who announced the rally from a jeep that day works now with the special branch of the police in Dantewada.
The growth of Salwa Judum
After Karkeli, Salwa Judum organised rallies in village after village -- to recruit members for the movement.
To understand the way it grew, take the example of village Kotrapal, a big tribal village.
"Naxals first visited us in 2002," a villager told me. "They held meetings. Many among us did not like what they said. But no one protested. We were afraid of them. They persuaded us to demand better rates for tendu leaves. Naxal committees called sanghams were set up with about 30 members. Only four or five people worked for them sporadically. And no one had joined them full time."
'Then Salwa Judum came'
An audio recording of the superintendent of police, Bijapur, made at the time that Salwa Judum was acquiring strength has been circulated by the Naxals. It has the SP telling his team on the walkie talkie, "Tell the villagers, they will be given Rs 3 lakh if they join the movement. Tell them once, tell them twice, if they do not agree burn the village."
Police officers privately accepted that the voice on the CD was indeed that of the SP, Bijapur. Officially the government denied it.
Understanding the Maoist threat
In the same CD, the SP directed, "If you see any journalists just kill them."
When the Salwa Judum came with their bows arrows and guns for self-protection, the villagers in Kotrapal ran away. The old and feeble who could not escape were shot, beaten up, houses and crops were burnt and looted.
BBC's David Loyn visited Kotrapal a year later. He wrote: 'I met a woman who still carries a bullet lodged in her stomach since the night of the attack by government forces last summer, and a man told me that his father and two uncles were shot dead since they could not move out fast enough. In scenes reminiscent of Darfur, I saw several burnt houses, and the villagers said that more than 20 had been burnt in all.'
The New York Times quoted a triumphant Ajay Singh, the Salwa Judum leader in the nearby town of Bhairamgarh, as saying: 'We finished off the village.' Then he clarified: 'People were excited. Of course they destroyed the houses.'
Naxals retaliated by killing four Salwa Judum leaders. They also killed two Salwa Judum supporters from Kotrapal.
Since then it has been a bloody cycle.
In the last three years, Kotrapal has seen 25 dead and 40 are missing. The villagers suspect they have joined Naxals, full time.
A village divided
Many took shelter in the roadside Salwa Judum camp. Some have been elevated to the ranks of special police officers. SPOs are armed by the government and paid a monthly salary.
In the confusion arising out of mass movement and migration everyone is suspect of being a supporter of one group or another. Father and son, brothers stand divided.
Why Dr Binayak Sen must be released
A villager from Kotrapal relates this story:
"One day two of our villagers were killed outside the camp, supposedly by Naxals for being Salwa Judum supporters.
"Two weeks later, another three were killed inside the camp. SPOs from our village helped the police in killing them, because they suspected them of having played a role in the earlier killing by the Naxals, outside the camp."
He continued, "I want to go home now, like many others. But we fear the police will force us to return. These three years have taught us that security forces are worse than the Naxals."
'Awakened' villages -- Where have the people gone?
Like Kotrapal, 644 villages are deemed to have been 'awakened' by the Salwa Judum. This comprises 3.5 lakh people.
Government records show 47,000 people in the camps, though NGOs claim the number is less than 20,000 now.
Three lakh people should be in the villages according to census figures. However, the ration, school and health intervention were stopped to these villages after the start of Salwa Judum.
Although the government denies migration to other states, NGOs say more than 50,000 are living a miserable life in the forests of Andhra Pradesh alone.
Has the experiment worked?
The police says its intelligence has improved with the help of SPOs and they have killed more than 500 Naxals in the last three years. The figures are hugely contested.
"The shifting of people into camps has helped. It is like taking the water away from the fish," one officer told me. "This will work in the long run."
But is the cost of this 'success' justified?
Two Public Interest Litigations in the Supreme Court chart a list of 548 killings, 99 rapes and more than 3,000 burnt houses by the Salwa Judum in last three years. The National Human Rights Commission is currently investigating these allegations.
One of the petitioners says, "It is difficult to go to villages, SPOs do not allow you to travel. The actual number of killings could be many times higher than what we have recorded."
In a village like Kotrapal, instead of the four reluctant participants, Naxals now have 40 full-timers. It is a similar story village after village. It is anybody's guess how many of missing three lakh have joined the Naxals.
What kind of strategy is it where you create 50,000 "enemies" to kill 500?
Was it an experiment for India Inc to get tribal land vacated or a counter-insurgency strategy gone horribly wrong?
http://www.rediff.com/news/2008/jun/19guest.htm
Salwa Judum:Unreported
India's Hidden War
By Madhu Chandra
10 September, 2007
Madhuchandra.org
Have you heard about Salwa Judum, India's hidden war in tribal dominated area of central Indian state Chhattisgarh? I am sorry! I haven't until I attended at a People's Convention at Hindi Bhavan, New Delhi organized by Campaign for Peace and Justice in Chhattisgarh (CPJC)!
Sociologists, activists and scholars have condemned Salwa Judum as State Machinery's license to its people to kill its own people in the name of counterfeit encountering Red Corridors.
Can you believe it happens in central part of this vast country, known and proud of being world's largest democratic nation! Indian Medias of both print and electronic are known of their capability to unearth but it seems they are naïve on India's hidden war against tribal communities of Chhattisgarh that makes India's hidden war still hidden from nation's eyes and ears.
CNN IBN in 2006 March warned the nation provoking the Home Ministry by exposing the Red Corridor of Naxals (Maoists) in tribal dominated areas of Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhan, Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh.
A documentary film "India's Hidden War" produced by reporter Sandra Jordan and Director James Brabazon was screened and left its images of deep wound and violation against the innocent tribal communities of Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh who used to live peacefully in their own world.
Sandra and James traveled deep into the Indian jungle to expose how India's aspirations for a superpower economy are resulting in an increasingly bloody civil war. Government funded militias are battling red guerrillas of Naxal for control of India's mineral resources. Hundreds of thousands of tribal villagers are caught in the crossfire between Red Corridors and Salwa Judum.
Salwa Judum in Gondi term means a peace campaign merged by capitalists, traders, land owners and elites to fight against Naxalites from mid 2005, often supported by state machineries, state police forces and politicians. Ever since Salwa Judum merged, the lives of people, particularly Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh, where 90% of its habitants are tribal communities, became turmoil.
According to CPJC, the leaders of Salwa Judum have empowered sections of tribal communities with bows and arrows, swords, axes and arms, marched from village to villages to ethnic cleanse from Naxalites. Villagers who refuse to join Salwa Judum have been treated as members or pro-Naxalites. Tribal villagers are forced to relief camps run by Salwa Judum and those who refused were severely beaten even murdered by Salwa Judum activist with support state police forces and Naga Regiments.(1)
Salwa Judum leadership composes from top political leaders of Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress. They appoint the Camp leaders, mostly from non-tribal communities. Under political leaders and non-tribal camp leaders, recruits the hot blood youngsters with indoctrinations of hate campaign into State Police Officers, who are trained and paid by Government machineries to join hands with ordinary innocent tribal villagers to loot, burn and rape in the name of retaliating Naxalites.
Over 500 lives have been killed by Salwa Judum, Naxalites and Security Forces ever since the merge of Salwa Judum in Dantewada district alone. Violation against women includes the gang rap, custodial rape, mutilation of private parts, murder, continuous sexual abuse in villages, police stations and even so called relief camp of Salwa Judum.
The lowest 70,000 to maximum 100,000 Villagers are forced to internal displacement and migration to neighboring states of Orissa, Jharkhan and Andhra Pradesh, who there suffer pathetic life situations. (Photo: Sanitary image of Relief Camp)
Government of Chhattisgarh has setup 20 Salwa Judum camps in Dantewada district where it is reported to have 47,500 villagers taken shelter. The fact finding team of CPJC reports that most of the relief camps face acute shortage of food, water and amenities. People are forced to live in extremely unsanitary conditions and did not allow tribal villagers to return back homes.
In some of the relief camps, Government is trying to convert into permanent villages of which many villagers are worried that their villages and cultivation lands with rich mineral resources would be one day turn into the clutches of capitalists, traders and elites to convert into mineral factories.
Challenging the constitution validity of Salwa Judum, the Supreme Court of India issued notice to Chhattisgarh government in May 2007 to stop Salwa Judum committing atrocities in the pretext of countering the Naxalite movement and urged to order impartial enquiry into atrocities committed by this group.(2)
The state machinery's crime against its own people has been desperately kept hidden to the nation and world. The victims testified in People's Convention that state machineries intentionally didn't allow Medias to come and report on India's hidden war of Salwa Judum. (Picture: Children without acute food and amenities)
Deep in India's central jungle, weaker section of India's tribal societies who already suffered socio-economic and educational backwardness, remains unheard of their man made and state sponsored crime on humanity.
The People's Convention demands from Chhattisgarh Government
1. Disband and disarm Salwa Judum immediately.
2. Stop appointing Special Police Officers.
3. Stop Recruiting children and adolescents below 18 years of age.
4. Allow tribal communities to return to their villages.
5. Government to rebuild burnt and broken homes.
6. Stop harassment and allow free access to journalists, civil society organization, and medical camp and education workers.
7. Repeal the Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act 2005
8. Create a conductive atmosphere for dialogue to find political resolution to political issues.
9. Stop arrest, detention and false implication of Human Rights Activists, Social Workers etc. and release all such persons.
The People's Convention demands from Government of India
1. Stop aiding and abetting Salwa Judum in the name of promoting "local resistance groups."
2. Institute a high level independent enquiry into all acts of violence-rape, arson, loot, murder and disappearances by Salwa Judum and paramilitary forces and initiate criminal proceedings.
3. Recognize the right to live and dignity of internally displace people living outside Chhattisgarh and ensure their safety.
4. Create a conductive atmosphere for dialogue to find political resolution to political issues.
People's Convention demands from Naxalite
1. Stop all forms of violence
2. Create a conductive atmosphere for dialogue to find political resolution to political issues.
3. Stop recruiting children and adolescents below 18 years of age
4. Allow safe return of villagers to their home including Salwa Judum supporters.
1. Salwa Judum: Civil War in Chhattisgarh, CPJC, New Delhi, 2007, p. 6.
2. The Hindu, May 20, 2007
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http://www.countercurrents.org/chandra100907.htm
NHRC gives thumbs-up to Salwa Judum movement
The NHRC, which had been mandated by the Supreme Court to probe the alleged excesses committed by the Salwa Judum in Chhattisgarh's Bastar
The Commission, after conducting a detailed , on-the-spot investigation of the activities of the voluntary organisation, found that, barring a few stray cases of violence, there was nothing to suggest the direct involvement of the members of the Salwa Judum. It also conducted a public hearing at Cherla in the Khammam district of Andhra Pradesh on May 21.
More importantly, the report prepared by NHRC scoffed at reports implicating the state government for propping up the Salwa Judum. The investigating teams sent by NHRC to look into complaints filed by a few civil liberty activists found no evidence to suggest that the Chhatisgarh government had sponsored the movement.
The state government's role, the Commission discovered, was limited to providing security cover for the processions and meetings of the Salwa Judum and also to inhabitants of the temporary relief camps dotting the area. The state government was also found to have provided relief and other facilities to the villagers rehabilitated in these camps.
NHRC teams, which undertook two trips to the region to probe the alleged human rights violations by the Salwa Judum, undertook a detailed inquiry into a representative sample of 168 cases in which villagers had been allegedly killed by the members of the group and security forces.
The cases were culled from a long list of 537 such cases submitted by the petitioners for investigation. The Commission stumbled upon some interesting findings. It found that many of the allegations were based on rumours and hearsay, and devoid of facts.
Again, many of the villagers whose names figured in the column comprising victims of Salwa Judum or the security forces were actually found to have been killed by Naxalites. FIRs had been registered in most of these cases and the state government had also doled out compensation to relatives of those killed.
NHRC teams also discovered many of the villagers whose names figured in the list were actually Naxalites who had been killed in encounters with the security forces. A few other villagers were found to have died of natural causes, while yet another group of villagers whose names figured in the list of dead were actually found to be alive.
The Commission, in its report, did come across a few cases in which there was something amiss, and recommended further investigation into them, preferably by an independent agency. There was one case in which no FIR had been registered, leading them to conclude that there could be more such incidents.
NHRC teams, or their advance parties, which themselves came under the firingline of the Naxalites at three separate places on May 19 and June 14 at Dantewada and Bijapur districts, also visited several camps in which villagers who had been displaced in the process had been provided temporary refuge.
Interactions with these people forced NHRC to conclude that the Salwa Judum was not solely responsible for their plight. It also felt that the state government could not be blamed for "deliberately or actively'' pursuing a policy of displacing the civilian population. The displacements , it argued, were a direct consequence of the decision by a section of the tribals to fight Naxalites.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/3405294.cms
It was Jyoti babu's greatest rally
KOLKATA: It was grand. It was humbling. It gave a measure of the man. And that of the people whose destinies he had controlled for 23 years — and From stations, bus depots and swanky garages, all roads led to the Assembly hall from Tuesday's dawn. Whether they made it inside is another matter. For, shortly after noon, the heritage square flanked by the Eden Gardens, High Court, Assembly and Treasury building was a mass of vehicles and snaking lines converging on the various gates of the building where Jyoti Basu's frail body lay. The VVIPs came and went in a whiz of motorcades. But the day belonged to the masses, and rightly so. Jobless ministers of state air grievances to PM |
Lakshmi happens to be India's junior minister for textiles, and in the eight months since she was sworn in, the only work that has come her way was signing a single official file.
This and more of such occupational heartburn poured out on Tuesday when Lakshmi, along with her junior ministerial colleagues, met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to air their grievances.
Minister of state (MoS) for commerce and industry Jyotiraditya Scindia is learnt to have complained that junior ministers are not even told about routine media releases, making them look clueless in front of reporters.
"It's not about power or the red beacon on the cars. We want to learn and educate ourselves on crucial issues. Important files don't come to us, and hence on important subjects concerning the ministry, we're either underprepared or know nothing at all," Mr Scindia reportedly said.
Taken aback by the sentiments expressed, the prime minister is learnt to have asked Cabinet secretary KM Chandrasekhar to prepare a note on the subject. Mr Singh assured the ministers of state that he would discuss the issue threadbare with his Cabinet colleagues.
Ms Lakshmi's and Mr Scindia's sentiments were echoed by their party colleagues RPN Singh (roads and highways), D Purandeswari (HRD) and KH Muniyappa (railways).
"I am a young minister. The Commonwealth Games are being held in our country and I think I could contribute more in making the games successful," said Prateek Patil, MoS for heavy industries and public enterprises.
R P N Singh said this was the first time the junior ministers were meeting the prime minister together. "It is important to get an understanding of what he wants from us," he said.
Most of the ministers who complained of being either under-employed or totally unemployed have their own party colleagues manning the senior positions in their respective ministries.
Do-it-yourself India
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God is said to help those who help themselves. Our sarkar goes one better than God: it doesn't even help those who help themselves, but implicitly urges them to continue the good work and keep helping themselves some more because - as sure as eggs is eggs - the sarkar certainly ain't going to help anyone.
In that way our sarkar is eminently fair, and does not discriminate on the basis of caste, creed or gender. It leaves us all - irrespective of particular persuasion - to help ourselves to whatever it is that we think we require.
You want an uninterrupted supply of bijli? Fine, it's not an unreasonable request. But don't look to the sarkar, or any of its many agencies, to generate it for you; you've got to do it yourself. Get a genset. Or a kerosene lantern and a handheld pankha. What? No kerosene available in the government-run fair price shops? Haven't you ever heard of a do-it-yourself source of supply for kerosene - or for that matter for anything else you might require, like potatoes, and onions, and dal and rice - which is called the black market?
No municipal water to be had? Stop bellyaching and get on with the job of digging a community bore well in your area. Set up a rain harvesting system. Push comes to shove, buy bottled water. To drink? No, dummy. To bathe in. It's either that or don't take off your clothes before sending them to the drycleaners.
Government hospitals and healthcare centres either non-existent or full of rats, disease and infections? Go to a private - read, do-it-yourself - nursing home. What do you mean you can't afford it? Of course you can. What do you think do-it-yourself medical insurance is for, for which you have to pay those humongous annual premiums?
There are no textbooks, blackboards or teachers at your local sarkari school? Send your kid to a school set up by a do-it-yourself entrepreneur who charges swingeing fees for the services provided. Almost everything in India is on a do-it-yourself basis. Electricity, water, health, schooling.
With the virtual collapse of the governmental postal system, the sarkari postman has become an endangered, if not a near-extinct, species, spotted only at Diwali time when he rings your doorbell to collect his yearly baksheesh. The rest of the time you deal with a do-it-yourself delivery system called a courier company.
Rising incidence of crime in your neighbourhood and the cops unable, or unwilling, or both, to do anything about it? Employ do-it-yourself security guards to protect your property and your person. In some parts of the country you have not just do-it-yourself cops but do-it-yourself armies, like the Ranvir Sena, or the Salwa Judum. And to provide competition to these, you have another do-it-yourself army called the Naxalites, who are said to run a parallel do-it-yourself state-within-a-state in over 160 districts across the country.
Each day, in every way, India's do-it-yourself capacity increases, as exemplified by the resourceful villagers of Tajnagar who got themselves their own DIY railway station, thus relieving railway minister Mamatadi of an onerous chore. The sarkar should recognise and honour such do-it-yourself enterprise. The residents of Tajnagar deserve a medal for the DIY spirit they've shown. Trouble is, the medal will also have to be of the DIY variety, because the sarkar can't supply even that.
The Jan Sunwai That Never Was :
Listen To The Voices From Chhattisgarh!
By Peoples Union for Democratic Rights
11 January, 2010
Countercurrents.org
In Dantewada a team of around 30 activists from NAPM and other organizations, Medha Patkar and Sandeep Pandey among them, were heckled, pelted with eggs and sewage and attacked by a large gang of tribal youth, accusing them of being Maoist sympathizers on Saturday. The activists were simply walking peacefully to the SP's office to ask him about the on-going repression in the area. Instead of curbing those who perpetrated the violent and unlawful assault, the police focused on sternly reprimanding and pushing back the social activists who were carrying out legitimate activity and demanding the restoration of basic constitutional rights. This impunity enjoyed by these attackers from the so called custodians of law has to be strongly condemned. This impunity is symptomatic of the bizarre situation that has been developing in Chhattisgarh, which seems out of bounds for all fundamental rights and principles of natural justice. Ironically it is the state, the supposed protector of these rights that has been the biggest offender in this regard. This state of undeclared emergency in Chhattisgarh is destroying the basic fabric of democracy in the country. It has to be exposed immediately and stopped firmly.
In November 2009, the central Home Minister declared in a meeting with Mr. Himanshu Kumar of Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (VCA) that he was willing to visit Dantewada on 6 January 2010 and listen to people to learn the truth about atrocities committed against them by the Salwa Judum. This is how the state went about hearing its people, and the lessons that were taught.
1. How to make a victim and witness of police excesses into a police witness
Sodi Shambho, one of the victims and witnesses of the Gompad killings by police and SPOs on 1st October, 09 and a petitioner in Writ Petition (Criminal) No. 103 of 2009 in the Supreme Court, was on a bus from Dantewada town to Raipur. On the night of 2 January 2010, she was on her way to Delhi for further treatment of her leg which had been shot. The doctors in Delhi who had treated the 20 day old pus filled wound, had asked Shambho to return at the end of the year for further operations for joining the fractures on the main lower leg bone occurring as a result of the bullet
injuries.
After her bus was surrounded thrice by the police, Shambho's companions brought her back to Dantewada. The next morning when Himanshu Kumar of Vanvasi Chetna Ashram escorted Shambho, a vehicle with policemen followed their vehicle and when they stopped for food at around noon in Kanker town, the Kanker police took them to the PS. After two hours of detention, Himanshu was then told he was free to go, but Shambho was taken to Dantewada for questioning by the Dantewada police, supposedly regarding the affidavit recorded by her against the Dantewada police when she was in Delhi. They reached Dantewada only at about 6.30 pm on 3rd evening. When contacted by PUDR on 4th morning the SP Dantewada said that she had been handed over to her parents /relatives and examined by a doctor as a medico- legal case needed to be made. She had been sent to Raipur for this purpose.
There are many apprehensions however, regarding the real motives of the police, given that the investigation is being conducted by the very same police against whom Shambho has complained; that she should have been detained overnight for questioning; that in violation of S.160(1) CrPC she, a woman witness, should have been made to attend at the PS rather than the police going to where she is available. Moreover for over a month now Shambho had been staying in the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram in Dantewada town, away from home and family because her wound required regular disinfecting and dressing, facilities for which were not available in her village. But the police did not question her all this while, when she was in Dantewada.
On 5th January the police informed the press that SP Dantewada had received a complaint from some relative of Shambho that Himanshu Kumar of VCA had abducted Shambho and held her in captivity for the last two months- a complaint that not surprisingly only came into being once the Dantewada police picked up Shambho! Himanshu Kumar significantly is petitioner no.1 in the writ petition filed against the Dantewada police, in the Supreme Court. The period of Shambho's captivity is the very same period during which Shambho had been treated by doctors in Delhi. Her alleged abductor and captor is Himanshu Kumar who had taken Shambho to Delhi on seeing that her 20 day old wound was festering, when the security forces who had shot her and against whom she has complained had left her to die.
Shambho is to the best of our knowledge currently in a Hospital in Jagdalpur where the kind of specialized treatment required to join the bone, and prevent shortening of the leg are not available. Her condition is very vulnerable as her leg is held together by metal pins as 3 inches of the main bone in the lower leg is missing. It needs regular disinfecting and all stress on the leg needs to be avoided, else it could lead to irreparable damage.
Who meets her is being regulated by the police. Journalists from Indian Express and Tehelka have been prevented form meeting her. The SP Dantewada informed PUDR that as the complaint is against the police, only the state and no outside agency can pursue it. This as per the SP means that only those whom he and the government find suitable will have access to Shambho - a free, adult, Indian citizen seeking the rights to life, liberty and justice! *We are glad that the Supreme Court has today ordered the state to not obstruct Shambho from getting further surgery and medical care in Delhi in continuation with her on-going treatment. We hope the state will refrain from similarly harassing and intimidating other witnesses.
2. How to Destroy All Democratic Rights Activity and Dissent
Don't suspend fundamental rights but beat down, threaten, imprison, file false cases against all those who mobilize and protest against the state'sexcesses and policies. All rights are being violated by the Chhattisgarh government, with the consent of the Center - what exists is an
extra-legal state of emergency with suspension of all political and even legal rights.
Thus the fate of the month long programme organized by VCA, starting on 14 December with a padyatra to the affected villages to tell people about the proposed visit by the Home Minister, a satyagraha for the government to see the truth, and a public hearing where victims and their families could depose before the public. On 10 December Kopa Kunjam, a senior activist of the VCA was arrested and charged with murder. On 12 December, police forced the cancellation of the dharamshala booking where people coming for the padyatra were to stay. On the night of 13 December people were prevented from reaching Dantewada and those in Dantewada faced threatening mobs of the Salwa Judum. The entire programme was thus cancelled. More recently pressure has been brought to bear on the landlord on whose premises the Ashram is housed to get them to vacate within the month, and activists of VCA are being threatened and pressurised.
About 25 to 30 Adivasi villagers who had come to VCA for the Jan Sunwai have been taken away by the police to an unknown location on 5th January.
Meanwhile, four women from Samsetti village in Dantewada who had suffered rape at the hands of Special Police Officers two years ago and had shown the courage to file a complaint which was to come up for hearing on 10thDecember were made to put their thumb impressions on blank papers. Himanshu Kumar sent protest messages but the next day the four women were again picked up by the police and illegally detained for five days, and their villages threatened with dire consequences.
In the meantime security has also been withdrawn from CPI's Manish Kunjam who had been at the forefront of exposing the Salwa Judum and has had threats on his life.
3. How To Prevent All Access to Information
Surround them with armed SPOs, tell hotels not to give them rooms, stop and detain them for long hours, don't allow them to sleep, are some of the ingenious tactics being used by the police to ensure that outsiders don't try and discover to the world outside what is occurring in Bastar. Nandini Sundar, sociologist from Delhi University and one of the petitioners in the SC case against the Salwa Judum, together with Ujjwal Kumar Singh Professor of Political Science, Delhi University, respected academics and rights activists, who were visiting Chhattisgarh around the 29th- 31st of December, 09 were subjected to all of this in the name of protecting them from Maoists. As a result they could not reach Samsetti village and the interiors and were forced to return.
Even more recently on the 5th of January, 2010 Satyen Bordoloi and Priyanka Borpujari , journalists from Bombay who had been highlighting violations by the state, and the VCAs struggles, in the print and electronic media and Suresh Deepala, law student and AID volunteer from Hyderabad , Nishtha, student of Tata Institute of Social Sciences who were visiting Himanshu for the jan sunwai were surrounded by 25 armed police and SPOs and prevented from leaving, placing them under virtual house arrest. They were assaulted and their cameras taken away. After public pressure forced the administration to let them free, they were then detained again at the police station on false charges of assaulting journalists. An FIR was filed against them for assaulting journalists. They were at the PS till late at night. They filed a counter complaint.
Clearly what exists in Chhattisgarh in the heartland of the country is a total clamp down where anyone who threatens to expose or challenge either Operation Green Hunt or the prevailing police state, can neither go in or come out. All such persons are being subjected to the violence of the state in its multifarious forms. News to the outside world about the ravages of the military offensive are stifled and a deliberate policy of quelling all reportage from the area barring officially sanctioned information is enforced. What scope then for democracy, Mr. Home Minister?
PUDR demands that:
1. In accordance with the Supreme Court order of 7 January, 2010, the state must stop obstructing Sodi Shambho's access to medical care besides other fundamental rights, so that her treatment can continue.
2. The Dantewada police be restrained from approaching or otherwise pressurizing her. The state must stop harassing or intimidating her or any other witness involved in any of he incidents concerning the state.
3. The Samsetti case be tried in a court outside Chhattisgarh with the state bearing the expenses of the petitioners.
4. All cases against Himanshu Kumar, Kopa Kunjam and other activists and journalists be dropped.
5. The VCA be allowed to carry on with its activities unimpeded.
6. Rights groups and the media be allowed free access to the region.
7. All those guilty of threatening, attacking, otherwise intimidating local people and organizations, and visiting activists be punished.
Moushumi Basu (9810371257)
Asish Gupta ( 9873542422)
Secretaries, PUDR
Email: pudrdelhi@yahoo.com
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Death of a 'Bhadralok' Communist: Jyoti Basu (1914-2010)
Posted on January 19th, 2010
Ajit Randeniya
The death last Sunday of Mr Jyoti Basu, the best-known face of communism in India marks the end of an era when the privileged classes created by colonialists gave birth to Communists who led the campaign against it, proving one of the enduring maxims of Marxism.
Basu was a member of the Communist Party of India (CPI) from 1940 until 1964 when whe walked out to found the CPI-M party, also known as 'Bharat ki Kamyunist Party (Marksvadi), and 'Marksvadi Kamyunist Party' (MaKaPa) in Hindi.
Basu's other claim to fame lies in becoming the longest serving Chief Minister of West Bengal as head of the Left Front government for 23 years, from 1977 to 2000, until his retirement on health grounds. -1…
Jyoti Basu's background and introduction to Communism (while studying in London) was almost identical to that of the first generation Sri Lankan leftists S.A.Wickremasinghe, N.M. Perera, Colvin R. de Silva, and even S.W.R.D.Bandaranaike; he arose from an elite community of English educated Bengalis, a social class created by the British for running the colonial state, and referred to by the ordinary Bengalis, rather contemptuously, as 'Bhadralok'. (The Bengali compound noun 'Bhadralok' roughly translates as 'respectable gentlemen', necessarily of the Brahmin caste).
Jyoti Basu was born in East Bengal (modern Bangladesh) on 8 July 1914 to a wealthy family; his father an Americam qualified doctor, and mother the only daughter of a wealthy zamindari (landowner). Basu had his primary education at the first Indian college to teach in the English language in India, Loreto House, a girls' school in Kolkata (Calcutta). He had his secondary and tertiary education at the exclusive St Xavier's School and Presidency College, graduating with honours in English in 1935. Having received his education in the English medium, like most of his generation of Bhadralok, Basu did not know much Bengali.
Although coming from a non-political family, Basu has recalled three events from the 1930s freedom movement that affected his political conscience greatly : Gandhiji's fast; the arrest of Subhas Chandra Bose by the British; and the 1930 Chittagong Armoury raid by the freedom fighters.
He left for London in 1935, aged 21, and to his father's disappointment, failed the examination to enter the Indian Civil Service. Instead, he enrolled at University College London to study law, and became immersed in Indian student political activities.
During his five years as a law student in Britain, Basu came in contact with the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) that was also responsible for inducting almost all Sri Lankan and Indian Communists. He was influenced by British communists such as Ben Bradley, Harry Pollitt, and the British- Indian Rajani Palme Dutt. He was also inspired by independence campaigners such as Krishna Menon, the founder of India League, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Jawarhalal Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose.
During his time in London Basu had become convinced that only the British Left was sincere about granting India independence, and was trying to generate British public awareness about the independence movement that was gathering momentum back home. He was elected general secretary of 'London Majlis', an Indian students' body in Britain, formed for the purpose of holding rallies to welcome Indian leaders such as Nehru, Subhas Chandra Bose, Bhulabhai Desai, Vijaylakshmi Pandit when they visited London.
Basu was called to the Bar by Middle Temple in 1940. But he had headed home even before the final results of his exams were released. Upon returning to India, Basu enrolled as a barrister at the Calcutta High Court but never practiced law even for a day. He is supposed to have remarked: "After studying law, the last thing I want to do is practising law."
Instead, Basu joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) in 1940, only days after his return, and started working among railway workers. The CPI Basu joined had been founded in 1925, while he was still a young boy. Communists were also an important part of the independence struggle, working through the socialist wing of the Indian National Congress, until they were expelled due to British insistence. Jyoti Basu got elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly for the first time in 1946.
At the time of Basu's joining, and until well after independence, Indian Communists were committed to gaining power through armed revolution. Their first attempt was a peasant uprising in Andhra Pradesh, known as the Telangana uprising. However, in 1951, they adopted the strategy of working within the framework of Indian democracy. The CPI however was unable to succeed electorally at state level due to the ruthless undermining by the capitalist controlled Indian Congress, mainly through the tactic of imposing President's Rule whenever they gained power.
In the early 1960s, Jyoti Basu and the Indian Communists in general, faced crucial ideological choices precipitating from a combination of broader international developments as well as domestic issues: relations between the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union and China had soured on ideological grounds; and Sino-Indian relations were deteriorating due to border disputes, culminating in the Indo-China war of 1962.
Communists were forced to choose between the intermingled issues of patriotism and ideological rectitude, dividing the party in to "nationalist", "centrist", and "internationalist" factions. The Communists party founder S.A. Dange was in the nationalist faction. Basu, as a member of the Bengalis in the Communist party, sided with the "internationalist" faction who supported the Chinese on ideological grounds. This breakaway group was the nucleus of the CPI-M party formed in 1964.
The CPI(M) leaders included great Marxist ideologues such as E.M.S. Namboodiripad, B.T. Ranadive, and M. Basavapunniah and others such as P. Sundarayya, Promode Dasgupta, and Harkishan Singh Surjeet who had great organisational skills. Jyoti Basu is not renowned to have possessed such intellectual prowess or managerial ability; his great strength was his charisma and the ability to win over masses due to his Trade Union background and slightly quirky, amicable personality; Basu was known for his diminutive physique, immaculate dress sense and personal grooming, and a trademark, brisk stride.
The CPI(M) was born into an extremely hostile political environment. Its leadership and members were automatically branded as 'unpatriotic', for siding with China who was at war with India. There were many arrests, detentions without trial and worse, imprisonment, over the next several years.
In 1967 CPI(M) won power in West Bengal through a coalition named 'Left Front'. But the government was dismissed by the central government and following a short-lived minority government, West Bengal was put under President's Rule. Enmity created by the suppression of the Naxalbari uprising by the CPI (M) controlled state government also led to further divisions among Communists, leading to the formation in 1969, of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), CPI (M-L), by the 'Naxalites'. Fresh elections were held in 1969, with CPI(M) winning 80 of the 97 seats, becoming the largest party in the West Bengal legislative. But CPI ruled until 1970 when the central government imposed President's Rule again.
It was in the 1977 election that followed the 'Indian Emergency' of Indira Gandhi that the CPI(M) managed to gain state power conclusively in West Bengal, defeating the Congress (I) party in a landslide; Jyoti Basu became chief minister of West Bengal, and held office until 2000 when he retired on health grounds. The CPI(M) has held the majority in the West Bengal government continuously since 1977.
Under Basu's leadership, the CPI-M brought about sweeping agrarian reforms, devolved power to rural bodies or 'panchayats' and supported agricultural development. The land reforms in West Bengal were hailed as a model across India and Basu led the Marxists to power five times in a row. However, Basu's record as the country's longest serving chief minister is tainted by his neglect of the basics such as the health, education and transport infrastructure. Kolkata today resembles a city where time has stood still since 1977. He is also blamed for doing nothing to stop his party commissars from turning the state's bureaucracy, its police force and higher education institutions into instruments of political patronage.
His progressive social policies prevented violence between Hindus and Muslims common in other parts of India, but the caste conscious Bengali exclusivity remains as stubborn as ever.
In the broader Indian political arena, Basu became a national figure by playing a leading role in the negotiations in the run up to the formation of non-Congress governments in 1989, 1996, 1997 and 2004. In 1996 Basu could have become India's first communist prime minister, except for the CPI(M) politburo's vetoing the offer by a coalition of parties. He counted former prime ministers, and his political enemies, Indira Gandhi and Atal Bihari Vajpayee personal friends.
At 95 years of age, basu breathed his last in Kolkata on Sunday 16 January. True to his commitment to a rational belief system, Basu donated his mortal remains for medical research; a radical practice for a good Brahmin to adopt. But Basu has made much larger sacrifices while he was alive.
The death of Jyoti Basu probably marks the end of an era in terms of people born in to privileged backgrounds giving up their comfortable, but intellectually dull life style for fighting injustice. The idealism that motivated the attempts of people of his ilk to change entrenched social systems for the benefit of the underprivileged also is nonexistent. But us Sri Lankans have seen it all before.
May Jyoti Basu rest in peace.
India: Agitation for Separate State of Telangana, Exposes the Profound Crisis at the Bottom of Capitalist Development in the Country
-Rajesh Tyagi/ 28.12.2009Once again, the agitation for separate statehood for Telangana has taken off, after the retreat by the Central Government on December 23, from its earlier declaration of December 9, to initiate the process for formation of separate Telangana State, on the ground that consensus on the issue could not be reached.
The issue of separate statehood for Telangana is not new, but is as old as creation of the State of Andhra Pradesh itself, in 1956. The demand was first aired through the 1969 movement, focussed on the issue of underdevelopment of the region. The movement subsided soon as the demand did not commensurate with the material conditions ripe for its realisation in practice, however, it continued to be fuelled by the lack of development of the region. The local sections of the bourgeois, as elsewhere, always sought an opportunity in this under-development of Telangana, to carve out an autonomous territory under their exclusive domination.
BJP fanned the aspirations of local bourgeois, by promising separate state of Telangana in its 2000 election manifesto. However, after coming to power, it did not kept the word, as the Telugu Desam party, its coalition partner did not wish so. Conferring of separate statehood upon Jahrkhand, Uttarakhand and Chattisgarh, while denying the same to Telangana, further fuelled the movement. These developments brought new life into the separatist Telangana movement by the year 2000. Congress party MLAs from the Telangana region, supported a separate Telangana state and formed the Telangana Congress Legislators Forum. TDP legislator Chandrasekhar Rao (KCR) first strove hard for a ministerial berth in TDP government, but frustrated not to get it, floated a new party in support of statehood for Tenagana, the Telangana Rashtra Samithi or TRS.
In 2004, for Assembly and Parliament elections, the Congress party and the TRS had an electoral alliance in the Telangana region with the promise of a separate Telangana State. Congress came to power in the state and also formed a coalition government at the centre. TRS joined the coalition government in 2004 and was successful in making a separate Telangana state a part of the common minimum program (CMP) of the coalition government. In September 2006 TRS withdrew support from the Congress led coalition government at the centre on the grounds of indecision by the government over the delivery of its electoral promise to create Telangana.
In December 2006, the TRS won the by-election to the Karimnagar parliamentary constituency with a record margin. There was pressure on the Congress party to create a Telangana state in 2008.
All TRS legislators in Parliament and in State (4MPs, 16MLAs, 3MLCs) resigned in the 1st week of March 2008 and forced by-elections to increase the pressure on Congress party, and to intensify the movement.
By-elections for the 16 MLA seats, 4 MP seats were held on May 29, 2008, which the TRS declared to be a referendum for Telangana state, which both the Congress and TDP had opposed, but did not opposed the demand for separate statehood for Telangana. To the disappointment of Telangana proponents, the TRS retained only 7 out of 16 MLA seats and 2 out of 4 MP seats after the by-elections.
In June 2008, the TDP also split on the issue of statehood for Telangana afater its number two leader, Devender Goud, the then Home Minister, a politbureau member and Deputy Leader of the Telugu Desam Legislature Party, resigned from the party to form a new party- Nava Telangana Praja Party. In a historical turnaround from its 26-year history, on 9 October 2008, TDP was forced to announce its support for the creation of Telengana. On November 2, 2008, the Nava Telangana Party, declared Telangana a separate province within India, with solemn affirmation and unfurling of the flag.
In February 2009, state government declared that it had no objection, in principle, to the formation of separate Telangana and that the time had come to move forward decisively on this issue. To resolve issues related to it, the government constituted joint house committee.
Ahead of the 2009 General Elections in the country, all the major parties in Andhra Pradesh supported the formation of Telangana, with only exception of Congress who said that muslims in the region do not wish so.
Stalinist CPI and CPM both joined the bandwagon of the opportunist alliance with TDP and TRS to defeat the Congress party for denying statehood to Telangana.
The Praja Rajyam Party (PRP), newly founded by film star Chiranjeevi, supported Telangana statehood prior to elections, but later changed its stance. Nava Telangana Party merged with PRP after it realized that there is not enough political space for two sub-regional Telangana parties with Telananga statehood as main agenda.
However, the Congress returned to power both at the Centre and the state. The grand alliance of TRS, TDP and Stalinist parties, lost in the fray.
In the first week of Dec 2009, the TRS resumed the agitation for statehood for Telangana with its epicentre at Osmania University. Over 40 people committed suicide in support of Telangana state. Strikes shut down Telangana on Dec 6th and 7th. Student organizations planned a massive rally at the state Assembly on Dec 10th.
On Dec 9, 2009, at 11:30 PM, P. Chidambaram, Union Minister of Home Affairs announced that Indian government would start the process of forming a separate Telangana state upon introduction and passage of a separate resolution in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly, while in fact, no such resolution needed be passed under the law.
Telangana celebrated the decision while regions of Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema protested against it.
On 16 December, at least 147 legislators from Andhra Pradesh and many Members of Parliament of different parties, from Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema regions, resigned in protest against the decision to carve out the new state of Telangana. 22 Ministers from the State Cabinet also submitted their resignations. On Dec 16, media reported split inside the Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) over Telangana issue.
However on December 23rd 2009, the Government of India taking a sommersault, announced that no action on Telangana will be taken until a consensus is reached by all parties. To protest this turn in the policy, the TRS once again resumed its agitation calling for Telangana bandh on December 24 & 25th.
The ongoing movement in Telangana, emerges out chiefly of three factors: Firstly, the global integration of the processes of production making the exploitation of human and material resources, locally viable, leading to disintegration of the national economic structures; secondly, the comparative backwardness of the region, ensuring availability of very cheap human and material resources, and thirdly failure of the working class to resolve the agrarian crisis, through a revolt against the rule of bourgeois, leading to stabilisation of this rule.
The demand for a separate state of Telangana, in the first instance, arises out of the two faceted development of modern day capitalism: integration of economic processes on global scale and simultaneous disintegration of the national economy.
Globalisation of finance and then production, has made it politically conducive and economically more and more viable for combinations of local and regional capitalists to integrate themselves into word capitalism directly, i.e. without the mediation of big bourgeois. Once having themselves integrated into the economic net of world capitalism, small backward states can do well in their separate administrative domains, offering themselves as 'hubs' for cheap labour and raw materials. The backward states which hitherto could not have counted upon their own very limited resources to develop further and were forced to depend for the resources like capital and technology, upon more advanced regions, have found in the global capital a powerful resource for their sustenance and development. With the aid of global capital, these backward regions seek a channel to compete with their advanced rivals.
The prospects of these separate states existing as direct colonies of world capital, has intensified the contradictions between different groups and layers of bourgeois, to an unlimited extent. The local bourgeois in comparatively backward regions, is aggressively aspiring for its closer and more independent connection with world capitalism, bypassing the advanced sections. Innumerable groups of local bourgeois are up in arms, laying claims to 'separate' and 'autonomous' domains for themselves, and a right to connect directly to the world capital.
A new type of separatist movements, are thus coming to the fore, the movements inspired by the petty, limited interests of local bourgeois, unconditionally subordinated to the interests of the world capitalism. These movements, unlike the movements of nationalist bourgeois in 19th century Europe, are not aimed at liberation of the people from the imperialist net. Instead they seek closer and direct collaboration with the world capitalism under the sole and exclusive leadership of the local bourgeois. Their aim is to establish their exclusive domination upon the sale of material and human resources (raw material and cheap labour) of their respective regions, in the world market.
This widespread striving among the local sections of national bourgeois for alienation from the whole and from each other, in the backdrop of disintegrating structures of national economies, has generated a powerful centripetal force leading to profound crisis of capitalism as a whole. There emerges an unlimited and unrestricted passion among the sections of the bourgeois for 'separatism', preparing ground for endless conflicts and unrest.
In countries like India with a belated capitalist development, where the ruling big bourgeois could never integrate itself fully into a national class and always remained weak as a social class, the conflicts among the bourgeois factions for sharing the booty directly with international capital, have erupted. These conflicts find a ready echo in the form of national, linguistic, cultural and regional identities and work to cover up the real economic and political interests of the class behind these conflicts.
Demand for Separate State of Telangana
Though the demand for separate statehood for Telangana was raised much before in history, but hitherto the real objective conditions for its realisation had remained absent. Even the proponents of separate statehood for Telangana did not seriously believe that it could sustain for long as a separate state, as its dependence upon economically more advanced regions would not have disappeared merely through formal statehood. It is only with the emergence of the prospects of its more or less independent collaboration directly with world capitalism, with integration of production processes on a global scale that the dependence upon the advanced regions of country and the sections of bourgeois, has virtually eliminated itself, as all the sections of bourgeois in their turn now depend upon the world capitalism for their sustenance.
The demand for separate statehood for Telangana, is the demand really arising out of such aggressive aspiration of the local bourgeois of Telangana, for the maximum possible political autonomy for its own rule. It has come out under the leadership of Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS), to alienate itself from the domination of more advanced coastal regions and Rayalseema, and constitute itself into a state exclusively under its own domination. It needs such domination not in order to secure any benefits for the working people of Telangana, but to become the sole agency for providing cheap labour and raw materials to world capitalism, from Telangana region.
Historic Backwardness of Telangana conditions the Movement
The comparative backwardness and underdevelopment of some regions within a nation-state, in comparison to others, provides popular and fertile ground for breeding of such movements led by the vested interests of the groups of local bourgeois for realisation of their economic and political aspirations.
As capitalist growth invariably results into unequal development of territories and regions, the aspirations of local bourgeois find a ready echo in the sentiments of people of the backward regions. Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, Uttarakhand and Gorkhaland, all of the regions which have recently presented the movements of the kind which Telangana is now facing, are marked with a common feature of comparative economic backwardness in relation to the rest of the parts of their respective States. These regions with their virgin territories for industrial development and rich human and material resources available at low costs, present ideal landscapes for investments of global capital and conditions for its intensive exploitation.
The demand for separate statehood for Telangana is something beyond the factional strife and party affiliations of the leaders of local bourgeois. The demand arises out of the petty interests of local sections of bourgeois, and confides in the general backwardness of this region as compared to two other parts of Andhra Pradesh, its Coastal region and Rayalseema.
To begin with, Telangana is not a land of scarcity but spectacularly a land of plenty, as far as natural and human resources are concerned. But political discrimination has held it back.
Andhra Pradesh is divided into three regions - coastal Andhra, Rayalaseema and Telangana. Of the three regions of the state, Telangana region is the largest one spread over an area of 1,14,800 sq.km. comprising of ten districts, including the state capital: Hyderabad. The region lies on the Deccan plateau to the west of the Eastern Ghats range, and includes the north-western interior districts of Warangal, Adilabad, Khammam, Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, Rangareddy, Karimnagar, Nizamabad, Medak, and the state capital, Hyderabad, all of which are Telugu speaking and were parts of erstwhile princely state of Hyderabad, till its accession into India in 1948.
The entire region is divided into two main regions namely ghats and peneplains. The surface is dotted with low depressions. Much of the land in Telangana region is arid and rocky, lacks access to fresh water, and is not nearly as fertile as the agriculturally rich coastal region.
Of the three regions of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana is today the most neglected. The region has been given a raw deal in education, irrigation, budget allocation and job opportunities.
Despite having the mighty Krishna and Godavari rivers flowing through it, the region faces acute scarcity of water. The reason is not far to seek: no government has cared to implement any irrigation projects here. Nearly 79 per cent of the catchment area of the River Godavari and 69 per cent of that of the River Krishna are in Telangana, but the region barely gets 25 per cent of the river waters. Since the formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1956, successive governments have spent Rs 190 billion on irrigation in coastal Andhra. In the same period, less than Rs 35 billion has been spent on Telangana.
It is only after the demand of separate statehood getting roots in the region, that a foundation stone for an Rs 18 billion irrigation project at Devadula, was laid by the State government.
Educationally, Telangana lags behind the rest of Andhra Pradesh. While the literacy rates in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema are 46 and 45 per cent, respectively, it is only 37 per cent in Telangana.
Telangana has only one university. Coastal Andhra has three, and Rayalaseema, seven. Of the 91 polytechnics in the state, only 20 are in Telangana. Of the 72 government technical institutes, just 26 are in this region.
In 1985, Chief Minister N T Rama Rao pledged 60,000 jobs for youth in the region, but nothing happened. Joblessness among the youth is rampant here. Telangana tops the list in suicides by the peasants in distress of poverty.
Today, eight of the 10 districts in the region are under the sway of armed peasant resistance. Successive governments have used this resistance movement as a pretext to justify the neglect of industrialisation in Telangana. The truth is that the resistance movement itself has erupted directly from the devastation and poverty among the peasantry due to backwardness of the region.
"Farmers in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema are enjoying all kinds of subsidies. Farmers in Telangana are getting fried in the parched fields." This observation by Professor Jaya Shankar, former vice-chancellor of Kakatiya University, who has studied the problems of Telangana, exposes the reason for popular support to the appeal of separate statehood for Telangana.
In this backdrop of the circumstances and conditions, local sections of the bourgeois have succeeded in seeding the illusion in the minds of the people that statehood under its leadership is the only way to wipe out the 'inequality, injustice and discrimination' the rest of Andhra Pradesh has shown to the people of this region.
The operation of capitalist development in the state has led to palpably more unequal development of different regions under it. Rayalseema with more fertile agricultural lands and the coastal region for its trade, took to steady development, while Telangana could not keep pace with these two. With passage of time, the development continued to be more and more unequal and imbalanced against Telangana. This persistent backwardness of the region, in the backdrop of the failures and illusions of Stalinist-Maoist leadership of the communist movement in the country, provided an instant ground for proliferation of the separatist demand of the local bourgeois for statehood of Telangana.
Even in the background of its general backwardness, lie the rich material and human resources of the region, which make it an ideal land for the investment of productive capital.
It is Telangana which supplies coal to produce power in the other two regions of the State, but on its own it could generate merely 1543 MW of power compared to the 7447 MW in the other two regions, because of lack of industrial infrastructure and paucity of investment.
District-wise analysis conducted by the 'National Council of Applied Economic Research' in 2001, reveals that the Human Development Index scores two positions in top five for two districts of Telangana, two form Costal Andhra districts, and only one from Rayalaseema districts. In bottom 5 positions there were three Coastal Andhra districts and only two Telangana districts.
The Failure of Telangana Revolt and its Aftermath
Telangana had been the scene for the historic peasant uprising of 1946-1951, which failed due to its flawed Stalinist leadership and led directly to consolidation of the rule of bourgeois-landlords. The powerful peasant rebellion, which could have sent spark for a nationwide uprising of people against the rule of bourgeois-landlords, under the leadership of the working class, was extinguished at the hands of the then Stalinist leadership of the Communist Party, which did not have even a program of its own and for every directive looked towards Moscow to religiously follow its commands.
The revolt began in the Nalgonda district and quickly spread to the Warangal and Bidar districts. Peasant farmers and labourers revolted against the Nizam and the local feudal landlords (Jagirdars and Deshmukhs) who were loyal to the Nizam. The initial modest aims were to do away with the illegal and excessive exploitation meted out by these feudal lords in the name of bonded labour. The most strident demand was for the writing off of all debts of the peasants that were manipulated by the feudal lords.
The peasant war spread in around 3000 villages (about 41000 sq. kilometres) which came under peasant-rule. The landlords were either killed or driven out and the land was re-distributed. These victorious villages established communes reminiscent of Soviet 'Mirs' to administer their region. These community governments were integrated regionally into a central organization Andhra Mahasabha.
The violent phase of the movement ended in 1951 after the accession of Hyderabad into the Indian Union in 1949. This was the time when Razzakar Movement was started by Nizams, which was very violent and was also responsible for forcible conversions of religion.
Taking benefit of the illusions of the then Stalinist leadership in national bourgeois, the then Central Government, with Nehru on left and Patel on right of it, sent heavy troops to Telangana to crush the peasant revolt and to take over the regime in Hyderabad state, in 1948. The whole drama ended in accession of Hyderabad State into Indian Union and brutal suppression of the peasant movement, which could hardly find a parallel in Indian history.
Elections of 1952 led to the victory of Congress party in Hyderabad state, which remained in power till 1956, when the region was merged with the Andhra state, to form present day Andhra Pradesh.
The peasant struggles though continued in this region for long in history, but they failed to churn a national rebellion around them. The Stalinist and subsequently the Maoist leadership of these peasant struggles could not orient them against the power of bourgeois landlord combine, partially for its illusions in national capitalists and partially for its lack of faith and misunderstanding the strength and role of working class as leader of the national revolution.
The failure of Telangana uprising in resolving the agrarian question in a revolutionary manner, paved the way for stabilisation of the rule of bourgeois and landlords!
Still the backwardness of Telangana, in the first instance presents a rebellious peasantry, which has risen in historic revolt against the rule of Nizam in 1946 and since has continued armed resistance in one form or the other, providing ready launching pad for a revolutionary movement under the leadership of working class. However, the utter failure of the Stalinist-Maoist leadership of Indian Communist movement to channelize the peasant resistance towards a nationwide revolutionary stride, offered a ready landscape for the local sections of the bourgeois, to exploit the issue of backwardness politically for mobilising popular support in the region and thereby realise its project of turning the region into an investment platform of world capitalism, under its leadership.
http://new-wave-nw.blogspot.com/2009/12/india-agitation-for-separate-state-of.html
From People's March: Dandakaranya –Two Paths of Development
21 January 2008. A World to Win News Service. Following is an article signed by Tugge from the December 2007 issue of the Indian monthly People's March.
(www.peoplesmarch.googlepages.com)What the Maoists term as the Dandakaranya Special Zone is the vast forest area situated between the borders of four states – Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharastra and Orissa. The Maoists have five organizational divisions – the south, west and north Bastar divisions, the Maad and Gadchiroli divisions – covering the entire area.
Extremely primitive economy
The adivasi (tribal people) economy here consisted of mainly two parts, agriculture and collection of minor forest produce. The mode of adivasi agriculture in all these divisions was primitive, with little variations here and there. One need not say that it was entirely monsoon dependent (till today there is are no irrigation projects, except the small ones built by the Maoists). The Dandakaranya is a vast area with a deep forest cover and dotted by steep hills. Though the annual rainfall is not uniform in all the areas, normally it will be above normal. This area has abundant perennial water resources like rivers and streams, with water flowing almost throughout the year. As no government, either of the British colonialists or of their comprador successors, ever built any water conservancy projects either major or minor most of the rainwater gets wasted. Irrigating the fields through wells and small ponds by even well to do peasants is a rare phenomenon. In fact, the overwhelming majority of the peasants do not even know about irrigation wells. They are still centuries away from the man who learned to draw water from wells through such implements as the water wheel and who constructed dams and canals to irrigate the fields thousands of years ago. In one word, the adivasi peasants here lacked the experiences of the men who fought against all odds for achieving a stable income and for a fundamental change in their life by growing from the stage of food collection to that of a food producer, introducing many innovative changes in the methods of agriculture.
However, building of small ponds or tanks in this region appears to be an age-old practice. But, the way peasants here use the water in these tanks or ponds is completely different from their counterparts elsewhere. The peasants here select low-lying areas where the water gets collected naturally during the monsoon and build bunds around it. Then they sow the crop at the edges of the stored water. They manually water the crop from the storage. They do not know that the stored water can irrigate more fields if sluices are built and water is canalized by digging canals. The water stored in the above way lasts up to January in some places and for some more time in other areas, thus guaranteeing at least one crop. Hence this remains their most dependable method of irrigation and they are reluctant to build canals for extending the area of cultivation as they feel that if the water is taken out to irrigate more fields, it may not last and they may not even get the harvest they are getting hitherto. Here their superstitious belief, that if a second crop is harvested, the gods will get angry and harm them, compounds this situation. However a gradual change in their attitudes is occurring due to the impact of the developmental programmes being initiated under the Maoist leadership during the last two decades. Construction of tanks with canal systems and digging irrigation wells has been going on, though on a small scale.
While this is the situation in the areas other than the Maad hills, the adivasi people living in these hills remind one of the even more primitive men to a large extent. Almost all of them still depend on the slash-and-burn (jhum) method of cultivation, in the main, raising a coarse variety of food grain, kola. Though they cultivate crops like paddy, mustard, maize, etc., in small plots of land either by the side of their villages or in plain areas in between the hills, they do not know how to use a plough. They just dig the earth with a sharp edged iron rod and sow the seeds. Though they possess cattle, they do not know how to harness them for agricultural work. Though they started using ploughs at a very few places, where they learnt it through interaction with the more advanced migrants from the plains, it remains just a beginning, confined to a few odd places.
Common sense dictates that any effort aimed at the development of the adivasi economy and through it, their lives and livelihoods must be based on their traditional economy as the starting point. That is to impart knowledge about modern methods of agriculture among the adivasi peasant masses and to take up infrastructural projects that directly aid the modernization of agriculture. For this, initiation of land reforms must be the basic first step. Secondly to take measures to ensure that the adivasi masses get remunerative prices both for their agricultural produce and the minor forest produce they collect.
Present ruler's path of development
While this being the only way through which it will be possible to improvise the adivasi economy, the comprador ruling classes who stepped into the shoes of their British colonial masters never showed any real interest in the modernization of adivasi agriculture in spite of their repeated boastful claims about the success of their welfare programmes for the upliftment of the adivasis. The age-old methods of adivasi agriculture continue in the same way without any fundamental changes. As stated earlier, Dandakaranya has many perennial rivers. There are other water resources that have water throughout the year. Yet, no government has ever undertaken the construction of irrigation projects, major or minor. The rulers, who never took up any programme that guarantees a livelihood for the adivasis and brings about a basic change in their lives and which helps in the development of the forces of production, have however embarked now upon a programme that will completely shatter the adivasi economy. They have the audacity to implement this programme of devastation in the name of "development". As a result a distorted economy is coming into existence here. The already below subsistence level adivasi agriculture is getting further devastated with the kind of infrastructural projects the rulers have taken up as a part of their policies of globalization.
The governments of both Chhattisgarh and Maharastra have been insisting that they will take up development works in the five districts of Bastar, and in Gadchiroli district and are asserting that industrialization is the best way for the development of the local people. Let us now see what exactly are the development schemes and who are the "people" that are going to be benefited.
Almost all the adivasi-inhabited areas in the country have vast natural resources. While rivers (and other water resources), forests and lands are assets apparent to the eye; there is no dearth of mineral resources too. Bastar area in particular has abundant deposits of various minerals. There are 610 million tonnes of dolomite deposits; 2,340 million tonnes of iron ore deposits in the Bastar area. It is estimated that there are 3,580 million tonnes of limestone deposits in Devarapal, Larogi, Raikot and Mangi Dogri areas. The Keskal area has 100 million tonnes of bauxite deposits. The Madhya Pradesh State Mining Corporation has been extracting tin and corundum in Bastar. The iron ore of Bailadilla mines are of the finest quality.
Apart from this, the forest here is abode to the finest quality teak, maddi and such other costly timber-yielding trees. The entire Dandakaranya area has extensive tracts of bamboo. The imperialist forces and their Indian lackeys, the big comprador houses, have joined hands in their scramble to loot these vast natural resources.
All the so-called developmental work that was undertaken here and now going on with full speed is the construction of super highways, railway lines and such other infrastructural projects that will facilitate the loot of this immense wealth. The steep hills of the Bailadilla iron ore mines, which are getting depleted day by day for the past thirty years, are pouring in enormous profits for the Japanese imperialists, as the entire ore is sold to the Japanese at very low prices. Adjacent to it, construction works for the Nagarnar Steel Plant are going ahead at full steam. The central and state governments have been busily soliciting FDI for a hydroelectric plant at Bodhghat on the river Indravathi. This project will destroy more than 13,750 hectares of forest and around 10,000 acres of adivasi agricultural lands. Adivasis from around 60 villages will be displaced. As the Dalli mines which were supplying iron ore to the Bhilai Steel Plant are on the verge of extinction, the Bharath Mining Corporation has now set its sites on the Raoghat mines of North Bastar. Schemes have been readied to open iron ore mines at Chargaon and Raoghat in Kanker district. If mining starts in the Chargaon hills, a stream originating in those hills will get polluted. This stream flows down and joins Paralkot and Mendkhi rivers, thus they will also get polluted affecting thousands of adivasis living on the banks of these rivers, depriving them of even potable water. The affected people have formed a "Chargaon Khadan Virodhi Jana Sangharsh Manch" to fight against this project. The construction works for the Dalli-Jagadalpur-Raoghat railway line, which was on the back burner for a long time due to people's opposition, are about to start any time. The big industrial house Nicco has started and is continuing mining operations in Lohar and Chahar area near Raoghat under police protection. The big concerns Godavari Isphat and Raipur Allied are conducting mining operations at Pallemadi near Manpur. A delegation of officials of the Asian Development Bank visited Pakhanjur area in 2004 and the leader of that delegation announced that they are ready to spend millions of rupees for the utilization of the vast mineral resources of that area. Similarly, efforts for the extraction of millions of tonnes of various minerals are continuing at a fast pace in Chamurshi, Ahiri and Soorjagarh area of Gadchiroil district. The works for the construction of infrastructural facilities for mining operations of various valuable minerals are going on all over the Dandakaranya area. The tempo of these works increased during the last decade in the background of the policies of globalization.
These are some of the so-called development projects, which the rulers claim will benefit the local adivasi population. However the truth is completely different. As all these works are capital intensive with modern technology, they will not and cannot provide any employment to the local adivasi people, who do not even know the use of a plough. Even a UN agency's report on the developmental project had to admit that these projects did not benefit the local adivasi population in any way. It is interesting to note that, this report called on the government to initiate measures for developing adivasi agriculture by taking up the construction of irrigation projects. The "development" the ruling classes went ahead with brought all-round devastation to the adivasis, as thousands of them were forcibly displaced from their villages to clear the way for these works. We will give more details about this devastation later.
The exploitative ruling classes have been developing tourist resorts along with this kind of industrialization, as a part of the ongoing process of globalization. As a vast area in the Dandakaranya has a thick forest cover, a wide variety of birds and animals still thrive here. As commercial hunting is going on with the active connivance of the rulers, many spieces of birds and animals are on the verge of extinction. Yet, many places are still continuing as popular tourist centres. Many heavily populated areas have been declared as National Parks, Tiger Project Areas. Bison Parks, etc., and thousands of adivasi peasants have been driven out of these areas.
Industrialization and tourism are being jointly promoted in the current imperialist globalization. Both demand good roads and railway lines, which are in fact their lifelines. The big comprador houses and the MNCs [multi-national corporations] require good roads and railway lines for transporting raw material from the forest and for supplying manufactured goods to the forest dwellers. The tourism sector is also a must for them for enjoying a luxurious life out of the windfall profits they extract. So, a good road has to be built so that these profit mongers can easily visit various tourist centres within the forest. The National Highway No. 16, which virtually bisects the Dandakaranya area and is being built under the protection of the security forces, at a cost of crores [tens of millions] of rupees and the ring roads being built all over the interior areas, all these are meant precisely and solely to serve the above sectors. The roads are also necessary for the quick deployment of police and paramilitary forces against the revolutionaries.
Now, coming to the railway lines, the Kirundul-Kothavalasa railway line was built solely for the purpose of transporting Bailadilla iron ore to Visakhapatnam port, for onward export to Japan. The railways operate 32 goods trains daily on this route while only one passenger train is operated daily even though this railway line is decades old. Thousands of crores of people's money was spent and thousands of poor adivasi peasants" lands were forcibly acquired, without any compensation, for the construction of this line. This is the "development" the rulers boast about. While this being so, the big comprador house, the ESSAR, has completed the laying of an under ground pipeline connecting Bailadilla with Visakhapatnam port, for transporting iron ore. Though there was stiff opposition from the adivasi masses as this pipeline will not only affect thousands of acres of their fields, but also destroy a huge tract of the forest, the ruling classes got this work completed under the protection of the security forces, so that, their Japanese imperialist masters can get the ore at still cheaper transport costs.
Impact of this path of "development"
Now let us see what "benefits" this kind of industrialization and tourism brought to the adivasi masses. Industrialization destroyed their homes and fields, thus hitting hard their livelihoods and endangered their very existence. Their culture and traditions got trampled upon. For the first time in the history of these adivasi masses, prostitution has become a big business, with innocent young tribal girls being pushed in to the flesh trade either through allurements or by force. The adivasis, who never even heard about sexually transmitted diseases, are now becoming victims to them. Even the most dreaded disease, AIDS, too, made its appearance. As a natural corollary, lumpenisation of the youth is going on in a big way. Bailadilla stands as a testimony for all the evils this industrialization brought in to the lives of the adivasi masses. An erstwhile district Collector of Bastar and a well wisher of the adivasi masses, Mr Brahmadev Sharma was so moved by seeing these evil consequences that he gave vent to his sorrow about the "duped little sisters of Bastar", through poetry. The mining works going on in Bailadilla have polluted the rivers Shankini and Dhakini so much that the water has turned red. Hundreds of goats and cattle reared by the adivasis living along the banks of these rivers became sick and died after drinking this water Fish have almost disappeared from these rivers.
In addition, adivasi agriculture is getting hard hit by the government measures termed as development schemes. The Kakonar and Kadime areas of North Bastar stand as fine examples of this fact. The pitiable state of the peasants of more than 100 villages in these areas mirrors the above fact. A socio-economic survey conducted in 2004 by the author of this article confirms this. We did a detailed study of the socio-economic conditions of more than 300 families in 10 villages. All these people cultivate their lands and also collect minor forest produce. But the survey revealed that the people are gradually getting separated from both of these economic activities. As the government's industrialization and commercialization of the forest went on increasing, the people's lives and livelihoods got devastated to that extent. Hitherto agriculture and collection of minor forest produce both guaranteed the livelihood of the people.
Some startling facts came to light when we looked deeply in to the conditions of the abovementioned families. Since the last few years their lives are going on entirely at the mercy of the government/capitalists. The share of their income through the collection of minor forest produce and agricultural production has become nominal while that through physical labour has increased. It is true that there is more cash in people's hands due to this, but the fact of the matter is that the peasants have now become labourers. This can be compared with the distortions taking place in other parts of our country's economy. The share of agriculture in the GDP of the country is declining year by year and by 2005-06 the share of this sector on which 60 percent of the population depend has come down to just 22 percent.
For the majority of the families, out of the 300 we surveyed, their traditional income (agricultural income and income from selling forest produce) will not be sufficient to feed them for more than two months. Let us take the information from two villages, Rampur and Warkad, for more precise analysis. Not a single family out of the 40 families in these two villages could get more than 15 kandies (1 kandi = 15 kilos) of grain through their agriculture. We also observed a basic change as regards the collection of minor forest produce. In the past people here used to collect various minor forest produce, which could be eaten by the entire family, including the children. However, we observed that in the present circumstances, the collection is going on giving priority to things that can be sold in the market. But, as the traders have been purchasing them at very cheap prices, not a single family could earn more than Rs. 300 [1 US dollar = 40 rupees]. Here, there are no employment opportunities save the work they get through government "reform schemes". The information provided by them reveals that their main income comes from labour in the forest co-ops. While the income of a family, which earned the highest amount through tendu leaf collection, was Rs. 1,500, it earned another Rs. 3,000 through work in the bamboo co-ops. In general both these works last from 15 days to 35-40 days in a year. Road construction works and other such works have a secondary importance here.
That means people here get an income of Rs. 4,500 (those of the highest earning families) per year. That means that they will have to live the entire year with the income they earn during those two months. But the days of work availability are getting fewer as the numbers of the unemployed goes on increasing, swelled by destitute peasants who were driven out of their lands as a result of "developmental works".
As stated earlier the entire Dandakaranya area abounds in a variety of rich mineral deposits. A big competition is going on in the market among various giant MNCs and their Indian comprador agents to grab this vast wealth. The subservient governments both at the Centre and in the concerned states have decided to auction these resources. These governments are going to great lengths to please their imperialist masters by duping people with false promises and using brutal force to acquire people's lands. For example, to circumvent the provisions of the 73rd amendment to the Constitution, they conducted bogus Gram Sabhas (village meetings) in which policemen, government officials and ruling class henchmen were the sole participants and announced that they have obtained the assent of the people for acquiring their lands. And where the people boldly resisted their displacement the state used brutal police force, beating and arresting a large number of people including women, as happened in Nagarnar village. Wherever the mining operations started people lost the lands they have been cultivating for generations and even their homes. The state just washed its hands by paying a nominal compensation, a major part of which was swallowed by corrupt officials and the henchmen of the ruling parties. Many didn't get even this meagre money, as they have no land deeds in their names, though they have been living in those lands for generations.
While this happens to be the state of things in the areas with mineral resources, the same problem is manifesting in a different form in the areas with extensive bamboo plantations. There, people had to go to work in bamboo co-ops, leaving their agriculture. With no guarantee for the crop due to the vagaries of the monsoon, no government ever even tried to educate them about settled agriculture as opposed to their traditional slash-and burn method of cultivation – due to such reasons the adivasi peasants of Beenagonda, Kuvvakodi, Godepari, Podevada, Permilibatti villages on the Maad hills had to gradually reduce their dependence on agriculture and go for other works, selling their labour power. Had the people been able to adopt better methods of agriculture and were able to attend to other wage earning works during the non-agricultural season, utilizing those earnings to improve their agriculture, it would have helped to some extent in the betterment of their standard of life. But in places like this where there is no development in agriculture, the wages earned are not sufficient to even fill their bellies. What if the works stop for any reason in such places? The bamboo plantations in the vast forest areas of Kamalapur, Talvada, Koruparsi, etc., in the Gadchiroli district, which were supplying raw material to the Ballarsha Paper Mills of the house Thapars, are now on the verge of exhaustion, and the people who used to work there are facing many hardships now.
The forests were getting depleted. After supplying raw materials to the Indian big bourgeois industries and imperialist industries for more than a century, they are getting further devastated now due to ever intensifying mining operations, construction of industrial plants, infrastructural facilities, gigantic dams etc, as a part of the implementation of the imperialist globalization policies. Due to this millions of people are getting displaced and their lives are getting devastated. Not only people, many varieties of birds and animals are becoming extinct due to indiscriminate destruction of the forest in the name of development. The environment is getting damaged.
People's resistance and new power in DK
But the people are not taking all this lying down. The people, who came to the firm conclusion that this exploitative society is the root cause of their distorted economy, have come forward with a firm determination to wipe out the past and usher in a brighter future. They have been fighting for the last three decades to establish an alternate system that will ensure real development and welfare of the people. The question is whether to compromise with this exploitative system, losing all their wealth and ownership rights and live on the mercy of the exploiters, or to further intensify and consolidate the newly emerging alternate system of people's power and their struggles? The people have chosen the second alternative and stood firmly on the path of armed struggle. This has hit hard at all the schemes of the exploiters. So, in order to remove this obstacle and implement their schemes of plunder, the ruling classes declared a war on the people of Dandakaranya.
The people, who were unable to achieve considerable improvements in their lives through ancient methods of agriculture, have, with a revolutionary curiousness, taken up agricultural reforms. This change was not sudden but came about in a gradual way through the painstaking efforts of the Maoists. In fact, the Maoists entered Dandakaranya rallying the people with the slogan "Land to the tiller". Agrarian revolution was and is their immediate programme. So, they mobilized and organized the people for the occupation of forestlands and the lands of the landlords. Later, as the peasant masses got consolidated into mass organizations, the Maoists encouraged and educated the masses to go in for modern methods of agriculture. The Maoists allotted some cadres well versed in modern methods of agriculture to educate the peasants. The Maoists collected seeds from the peasants of other areas of struggle and distributed them among the peasants of Dandakaranya. They mobilized the people for the construction of irrigation facilities, though on a very small scale. They made special allocations in their meagre budget for this. They encouraged the people to form revolutionary cooperatives. They have been educating the adivasi peasants of the Maad hills in particular about the benefits of settled agriculture as opposed to the slash-and burn method of cultivation, which destroys vast tracts of forests. They have also taken up some measures to resolve the problems concerning public health and education, which assumed the same importance as agriculture has. Similarly they held talks with traders regarding remunerative prices for collected forest produce, asking them to lessen their exploitation. With these and more such measures unprecedented progressive changes appeared in people's lives.
All these revolutionary development programmes have gained much speed after the people started establishing their own organs of political power, the Janatana Sarkars. But all this would not have been possible without dealing a hard blow on the hegemony of the exploitative system at the village level. The war unleashed by the ruling classes in the name of Salwa Judum [landlord and state-organized counter-revolutionary paramilitary bands] is hindering the advancement of all these things. As a result the adivasi masses are fully engaged in countering the ruling class-initiated war.
The war launched by the ruling classes is going on all fronts. While mainly depending on the brutal force of thousands of security forces, they are also taking up reform programs in the name of development. But almost all these are nothing but schemes for building infrastructural facilities that will help in the further plunder of the natural resources and for the free movement of the police/paramilitary. The ruling classes created the Salwa Judum to give legitimacy to all these things. The people can establish a real democratic economy by intensifying their multi-pronged resistance and putting an end to the distorted "development" going on for decades.
It must be clearly understood that the much propagated Salwa Judum and "Naxalite [Maoist revolutionaries] menace", etc., in Chhattisgarh is not about "terrorism", as is made out, but about two paths of development. The first stands for the huge mining and other projects by big business (both Indian and foreign) and the massive displacement and destruction of adivasi's livelihood and habitat. The second is for the scientific development of agriculture basing on indigenous resources, preservation of the forests and its rich natural resources, together with an end to the varied types of loot of the adivasis by rapacious politicians, bureaucrats, traders, and the tribal elite.
The ongoing war in Chhattisgarh is clearly to be seen for these two paths of development. All must decide on which side they stand. To pretend neutrality, saying that the "innocent adivasis" are caught between the violence of two evil forces (equating Naxalite violence with that of the state), is patently false, hypocritical and in essence acts to justify state terror in the region. The time has come for all genuine democrats to take a clear stand on which side they are – for the robber barons, or for the adivasis; for the loot of the country, or for justice for the people!
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COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MAOIST) Dandakaranya Special Zonal ...
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COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MAOIST). Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee. Press Release: 14 January 2009. Condemn Brutal Massacre of 17 Adivasis in Fake ...
www.bannedthought.net/india/...Maoist.../MassacreOfAdivasis-090114.doc - The Hindu : Andhra Pradesh / Hyderabad News : Dandakaranya bandh ...
1 Apr 2008 ... Dandakaranya bandh passes off peacefully. K. Srinivas Reddy. HYDERABAD: Maoists have stepped up attacks on power supply lines in forest ...
www.thehindu.com/2008/04/01/stories/2008040154300400.htm - Cached -The Pioneer > Online Edition : >> Armed to the teeth Maoists ...
14 Oct 2009 ... The documents seized from the Maoists show that in Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee (DKSZC) alone there are 12 heavily-armed companies, ...
www.dailypioneer.com/.../Armed-to-the-teeth-Maoists-prepare-for-long-haul.html - Cached -Maoists prefer to go childless - India - The Times of India
For the Maoists of the Dandakaranya forest, love is as real as their battle against the state. So is marriage, divorce and vasectomy. ...
timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Maoists-prefer.../4164079.cms - Cached -socialist_pakistan_news : Message: CPI(Maoist) reply to ...
General secratary of cpi(maoist), Ganapathi reply to ICI ... Find out what India is talking about on - Yahoo! Answers India Send FREE SMS to your friend's.. ...
groups.yahoo.com/group/socialist_pakistan_news/message/7119 - Cached -Red Terror: India under siege from within : Single Page View
16 Mar 2006 ... The Janatana Sarkar runs in the so-called Dandakaranya Liberated Zone - a region which is completely under Maoist control. ...
ibnlive.in.com/news/red-terror-india-under.../6871-3-single.html - Cached -Maoists get on FM radio | Deccan Chronicle
15 Jun 2009 ... Hyderabad June 14: The CPI Maoists have set up a FM radio in the Dandakaranya forests with the base station in their fortress Abujmad in ...
www.deccanchronicle.com/national/maoists-get-fm-radio-141 - Cached -India: Challenges for Government-Maoist Talks - South Asia ...
8 Dec 2009 ... That is how tribals of Dandakaranya have found protection from the Maoists who have given them a sense of dignity and voice to assert their ...
www.sacw.net/article1273.html - Cached -Chhattisgarh Maoists offer conditional talks
16 Feb 2009 ... This is after all the Dandakaranya zonal committee which has powers similar to that of a state committee in the Maoist power structure. ...
www.rediff.com/.../16chhattisgarh-maoists-offer-conditional-talks.htm - Cached -[chhattisgarh-net] Digest Number 1756
2 Feb 2009 ... The outlawed Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist)'s Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee Saturday offered to hold talks with the ...
www.mail-archive.com/chhattisgarh...com/msg00373.html - Cached -
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12 policemen wiped out in daring Maoist ambush in the Dandakaranya ...
2 Jul 2009 ... 12 policemen wiped out in daring Maoist ambush in Dhamtari (Dandakaranya) On May 10 Maoist guerrillas carried out a daring tactical ...
southasiarev.wordpress.com/.../india-12-policemen-wiped-out-in-daring-maoist-ambush-in-dhamtari-dandakaranya/ - Cached - Similar -STRANDED in Cross Fire in Dandakaranya - Contribute - MSNIndia
9 Oct 2009 ... I am told that the Maoists have bases right in the TOWNS of these FIVE ... Only around MALKANGIRI, the most troubled zone in dandakaranya, ...
content.msn.co.in/MSNContribute/Story.aspx?PageID...0751... - Cached -AWorld To Win News Service » Blog Archive » From People's March ...
30 Jan 2008 ... In fact, the Maoists entered Dandakaranya rallying the people with the slogan "Land to the tiller". Agrarian revolution was and is their ...
www.aworldtowin.org/wordpress/?p=229 - Cached -The Hindu : Andhra Pradesh / Visakhapatnam News : Maoists to ...
24 Dec 2005 ... VISAKHAPATNAM: The outlawed CPI (Maoist) is celebrating the silver jubilee of the Dandakaranya armed struggle from Saturday to December 30. ...
www.hindu.com/2005/12/24/stories/2005122403050200.htm - Cached -Sudhakar Reddy Udumula Journalist: Maoists get on FM Radio
1 Nov 2009 ... The CPI Maoists have set up a FM radio in in their fortress Abujmad in the Dandakaranya forests of ChhattisgarhSetting up of the station was ...
udumulasudhakarreddy.blogspot.com/.../maoists-get-on-fm-radio.html - Cached -andhracafe.com - Maoists move into Western Ghats?
3 Feb 2007 ... The State special intelligence bureau recently came to know of the movement of Maoists from Dandakaranya to Western Ghats. ...
andhracafe.com/index.php?m=show&id=18257 - Cached -Maoists' peace offer a 'gimmick', time to finish them: security ...
The outlawed Communist Party of India-Maoist (CPI-Maoist)'s Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee Saturday offered to hold talks with the state government. ...
newshopper.sulekha.com/maoists-peace-offer-a-gimmick-time-to-finish-them-security-expert_news_1030357.htm - Cached -Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee of Maoists Rediff.com
Dandakaranya Special Zonal Committee of Maoists Rediff.com search. ... Is Maoist talks offer part of pre-poll deal?: Rediff.com news ...
www.rediff.com/.../Dandakaranya%20Special%20Zonal%20Committee%20of%20Maoists/10-... -The Telegraph - Calcutta (Kolkata) | Nation | Maoist base out of ...
4 Nov 2009 ... (From top) A Maoist militiawoman takes a break in Dandakaranya; ... 3: The best news for the Maoist guerrillas of Dandakaranya is the worst ...
www.telegraphindia.com/1091104/jsp/nation/story_11697058.jsp - Cached -The Andhra fightback
28 Jun 2009 ... Many officers feel what they see now could be a tactical retreat by the Maoists to Dandakaranya and neighbouring states—a "live to fight ...
www.indianexpress.com/news/the-andhra-fightback/482333/0 - Cached -
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Blinded By Power Telangana History: Andhra Pradesh was formed in 1953. In 1956, Telangana, the Telugu-speaking part of the erstwhile Nizam's state merged with Andhra Pradesh. There was protest at the time of merger. There was an informal agreement then on job quotas for Telangana. Beginning in the late '60s, regional leaders accused the state government of going back on its promise. In '98, the BJP passed a resolution for a separate Telangana. In 2000, K. Chandrashekhar Rao quit the TDP to form the Telangana Rashtriya Samiti. Political Representation:
Just a stone's throw away from the BJP's national headquarters at Delhi's Ashoka Road is the residence of a former party member, A. Narendra. His home is now used as the Delhi office of the Telangana Rashtriya Samiti (TSR), a three-year-old political outfit that spells big trouble for the BJP and its most powerful ally, the TDP, whose 29 MPs currently give vital outside support to the NDA government at the Centre. It's widely believed the forthcoming assembly elections in Andhra Pradesh will be won or lost in Telangana, which accounts for 107 of the state's 294 assembly seats. The outcome of the simultaneous Lok Sabha polls too will be decisively influenced by the Telangana region that elects 15 of the state's 42 MPs. The old but emotive demand for a separate state of Telangana is not rooted in linguistic or ethnic differences, but in different histories. The Telangana region was ruled by the Nizams of Hyderabad, while Rayalaseema and coastal Andhra were under direct British rule and a part of the Madras presidency. As political commentator Kancha Ilaiah says, "The cultural identities, festivals and customs are different. While the Telangana region was heavily influenced by Muslim culture, Brahminism dominated in the rest of Andhra." K. Chandrashekhar Rao, founder-leader of the TRS, puts it like this: "Except for language there's no similarity. The food customs are entirely different. Biriyani is served even at Hindu marriages." Still, as part of the linguistic reorganisation of states, Telangana was merged with Andhra in '56. But over the years the region, rich in minerals and forests and irrigated by both the Godavari and Krishna rivers, has complained of being exploited by greater Andhra. Many of the promises made during the merger weren't honoured. So, the statehood demand has cropped up with increasing frequency. The emergence of the TRS has now reignited the old fires. And the proposed Congress-TRS tie-up has only added to Chandrababu Naidu's worries. As it is, after eight years in power, the CM has to combat anti-incumbency. "Once the TRS and the Congress come to an understanding, no god can save Chandrababu Naidu," says Chandrashekhar Rao. In the last assembly polls, the seats in Telangana were divided almost equally between the Congress and the TDP. This time around, the TDP will certainly face heavy losses in the region and will try to compensate in greater Andhra. That's why the party remains vehemently opposed to the idea of dividing up the state. The TDP is, in fact, hoping there will be a backlash of sorts in other parts of the state, putting the Congress in an awkward position in Rayalaseema and coastal Andhra. The Congress, meanwhile, is hoping to have its cake and eat it too. It has demanded the setting up of a second state reorganisation commission to look into all such demands. However, the party is playing safe and is stopping short of unequivocal support for Telangana for fear of alienating supporters in other regions. This Congress reluctance may jeopardise the formation of an alliance. Chandrashekhar Rao, for instance, has demanded that the Congress take a position on Telangana in its manifesto. The Congress, however, maintains it's determined to see there's no split in the anti-NDA vote. Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy, Congress' main contender for the CM's post, says: "This is a do-or-die election for us. We are beginning to rise above internal party differences and those with other potential allies." Though the communist parties, which claim about 6 per cent of the vote in the state, are ideologically opposed to the idea of a separate Telangana state, they are expected to support the anti-NDA parties. Reddy remains confident that the Congress will manage to carry disparate parties like the TRS, the CPI, the CPI(M) and the Majlis to forge a strong anti BJP-TDP front. The Telangana issue has certainly placed the BJP in a quandary. Most of the party's support base is in Telangana and in 1998 it had passed a resolution demanding the creation of a separate state. But it placed the issue on the backburner once it joined hands with the TDP in 1999. "We've explained to the cadre that this is not the opportune time to raise such issues as the priority right now is to concentrate on bringing the NDA government back to power at the Centre," explains BJP state vice-president Seshagiri Rao. The upset rank and file of the state unit point out that the BJP's voteshare has been declining ever since the party became ambiguous about Telangana. The BJP, which currently has seven MPs from Andhra Pradesh, is today quite dependent on the TDP. But Ilaiah says, "The ground-level strength of the TDP is no longer what it used to be." The CM's much-touted economic reforms have only benefited the middle classes, say critics. They believe the poor have only got poorer in a state where 3,000 farmers committed suicide in the past few years and where 1,400 daily wage earners died of heat stroke last summer. The power sector reforms ushered in by the Naidu government are particularly unpopular among farmers in Telangana where most depend on pumping out groundwater from deep bore-wells to irrigate their fields. The rest of Andhra is largely irrigated by the canal system which consumes far less electricity. "Of the 19,46,000 pumpsets in the state, over 15 lakh are in Telangana alone because farmers here are being denied irrigation water the bulk of which goes to other parts of the state," says Chandrashekhar Rao. The rising costs of power and the "unfair" distribution of irrigation water are the biggest grouse for the advocates for separation. Naidu has a larger-than-life image and a reputation of being an excellent political manager. These skills will certainly be put to a gruelling test this summer. Saba Naqvi Bhaumik and Savitri Choudhury in Hyderabad |
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