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Memories of Another day

Memories of Another day
While my Parents Pulin babu and Basanti devi were living

Saturday, August 27, 2011

Lok Sabha adopts resolution on Lokpal Bill; Anna ends fast tomorrow!Anna`s Victory Heralds More Dangers ahead beside the Reinvoked Hindu Nationalism! The Rise of Elite Brahaminical Civil Society with CORPORATE, NGO and Media Associates may Call for a

Lok Sabha adopts resolution on Lokpal Bill; Anna ends fast tomorrow!Anna`s Victory Heralds More Dangers ahead beside the Reinvoked Hindu Nationalism! The Rise of Elite Brahaminical Civil Society with CORPORATE, NGO and Media Associates may Call for anything as Corporate Lobbying has to INTENSIFY in the FREE MARKET Economy. NDA UPA GOT UP Game with Highest TRP Ever and Branding ANNA however do NOT Signify the Gandhian Philosophy at all EXCEPT the Art of Black Mailing and Holding the Nation!Gandhian Philosophy is all about Brahaminical MONOPOLY and BRAHMIN BANIA RAJ to Sustain Manusmriti Rule. The EXCLUSION is Glorified and INTENSIFIED with Neo Liberal Policies and FREE MARKET Economy! Gandhian ANNA Team and CIVIL Society is up against CORRUPTION and leads US sponsered Civil Society led Pro Damocratic Indian Spring, BUT this Movement has NOTHING against LPG Mafia Rule and FDI Raj!The Nation is Deprived of the Informations about Legislation, Policy Making and Governance during the FAST and the Government of India Incs PUSHED for Economic Reforms and GROWTH of Profit Making Capital Inflow. The Polity is Hijacked by the Market Dominating Zionist Brahaminical Class and the Foreign Funded Media and NGOs Glorify this creating Unprecedented MIND CONTROL to Boost AGGRESSIVE HINDU Nationalism. The Parliament is Misused to KILL the Constitution once again with EXCELLENT  FLOOR Management amongst the Brahaminical Parties and the CO OPTED POONA PACT By Product SC, ST, OBC and MINORITY MPs could not Raise a SINGLE VOICE!

Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - SEVEN HUNDRED NINETEEN

Palash Biswas

http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/


http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com

http://mulnivasinayak.com/newbooks.php


Lok Sabha adopts resolution on Lokpal Bill; Anna ends fast tomorrow! Anna Hazare declared on Saturday that the nation's people had won a great victory as he announced he would end his fast at 10am on Sunday. Both Houses of Parliament on Saturday passed a resolution conveying the sense of the House on the Lokpal Bill, paving the way forAnna Hazare to break his fast.
25/08/2011

Anna fast: The last act; updated pics


Amidst concerns over the continuing standoff between Anna Hazare and Government on the Lokpal issue, hope runs high that Anna may end his marathon fast soon. As Anna's fast entered the 12th day, the Gandhian lost seven kilos. Doctors say that he appears to be healthy.

Bollywood actor Aamir Khan greets Anna Hazare at Ramlila grounds where Hazare is fasting in New Delhi August 27, 2011. India's parliament edged closer to an agreement on Saturday on an anti-corruption bill that could end a 12-day hunger strike by a social activist that has lead to widespread anger against Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's besieged government
http://news.in.msn.com/specials/news_photos.aspx?cp-documentid=5390822

Hazare thanked people for their support on the Lokpal agitation but cautioned that only half the battle had been won.

"We have won only half the battle," said Hazare standing before wildly cheering crowds and flanked by his key aides and Union minister Vilasrao Deshmukh, former Maharashtra chief minister who has been an interlocutor.

"I congratulate every MP on what has happened today." Anna Hazare said.

Earlier, Union minister Vilasrao Deshmukh, along with Congress MP Sandeep Dikshit, reached theRamlila Maidan and handed over a copy of the Lokpal resolution and a letter of the Prime Minister to Anna Hazare.

"Parliament has spoken. It is the will of the people," a smiling Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said while coming out of the House after the debate that ended at 8pm.

Both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha went out of their way to discuss in a special sitting on Saturday an issue thrown up by the campaign of the 74-year-old activist who has been demanding enactment of Jan Lokpal for which he started a fast from August 16.

There was confusion at the end of the day-long debate in both the Houses as Parliament was expected to vote a resolution.

Originally conceived as a resolution, Parliament converted its agreement on three issues raised by Hazare -- citizen''s charter, lower bureaucracy under Lokpal through an appropriate mechanism and establishment of Lokayukta in the states -- and to remit them to the Parliamentary Standing Committee for giving its recommendations.

In his communication to Hazare, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh conveyed to him that Parliament has passed a resolution on the three issues raised by him and appealed to him to call off his fast.

Anna`s Victory Heralds More Dangers ahead beside the Reinvoked Hindu Nationalism!

Anna Hazare will break his fast at 10am on Sunday, according to his close associate Kiran Bedi.

Bedi tweeted that the 74-year-old activist does not break his fast after sunset.

"Anna is known to have never broken his fast after sunset. Recall, he did so even in April fast. This is his decision again. He decides," she tweeted.

Later, Bedi said he will break the fast at 10am on Sunday.

If he breaks his fast on Sunday at 10am, he will complete 288 hours of his hunger strike which began on August 16.

The Rise of Elite Brahaminical Civil Society with CORPORATE, NGO and Media Associates may Call for anything as Corporate Lobbying has to INTENSIFY in the FREE MARKET Economy.

NDA UPA GOT UP Game with Highest TRP Ever and Branding ANNA however do NOT Signify the Gandhian Philosophy at all EXCEPT the Art of Black Mailing and Holding the Nation!

Gandhian Philosophy is all about Brahaminical MONOPOLY and BRAHMIN BANIA RAJ to Sustain Manusmriti Rule.

The EXCLUSION is Glorified and INTENSIFIED with Neo Liberal Policies and FREE MARKET Economy!

Gandhian ANNA Team and CIVIL Society is up against CORRUPTION and leads US sponsered Civil Society led Pro Damocratic Indian Spring, BUT this Movement has NOTHING against LPG Mafia Rule and FDI Raj!

The Nation is Deprived of the Informations about Legislation, Policy Making and Governance during the FAST and the Government of India Incs PUSHED for Economic Reforms and GROWTH of Profit Making Capital Inflow.

The Polity is Hijacked by the Market Dominating Zionist Brahaminical Class and the Foreign Funded Media and NGOs Glorify this creating Unprecedented MIND CONTROL to Boost AGGRESSIVE HINDU Nationalism.

The Parliament is Misused to KILL the Constitution once again with EXCELLENT  FLOOR Mangement amongst the Brahaminical Parties and the CO OPTED POONA PACT By Product SC, ST, OBC and MINORITY MPs could not Raise a SINGLE VOICE!

Master Manager Manipulator,Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, the Elite Brahamin From Bengal, today said Lok Sabha has adopts 'sense of House' on three key issues raised by Anna Hazare. The house was adjourned without voice vote.  The lower House was adjourned till Monday by the speaker after a 'sense of the house' was taken and there was unanimity in passing the resolution.
On a motion moved by Pranab Mukherjee, Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha passed a resolution conveying the sense of the House on the Lokpal Bill.

After the passage of the resolution, Speaker Meira Kumar adjourned the Lok Sabha till Monday.

There was some confusion over whether the resolution was passed by a voice vote or not. Apparently, no voice vote took place.

"Thumping of the desk is akin to passing a motion by voice vote," Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar told Times Now.

After the passage of the Lokpal resolution in Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha also passed the resolution.

Team Anna welcomes the passage of the Lokpal resolution, Kiran Bedi said.

Some of the important points of the Lokpal resolution passed by Parliament are:

*An effective Lokpal at the Centre and Lokayuktas in states be set up.

*Employees of centre and state governments to be brought under purview of Lokpal and Lokayuktas respectively.

*All government departments to have citizen's charter with timeline.

With a copy of Lokpal resolution and a letter from PM Manmohan Singh, Union minister Vilasrao Deshmukh would now go to Ramlila Maidan to meet Anna Hazare.

Earlier, the team Anna said they have received a communication from the government that a resolution carrying their demands on Lokpal Bill will be put to a voice vote, a move which they termed as a "very happy" development.

Fresh trouble emerged this afternoon after government decided only to convey sense of House to Team Anna and not put the resolution for voting, the activists hardened their position saying it was "betrayal" and only a resolution which will be put to vote will be acceptable.

This forced the government to change its stand. The activist's camp said they have received the communication from the government about its decision to put the resolution to voice vote.

The 74-year-old Gandhian has been on fast for the last 12 days, demanding the passage of the Jan Lokpal Bill by Parliament.

Leader of the House Pranab Mukherjee requested the speaker Meira Kumar to adopt the sense of the House as a resolution and forward it to the standing committee.

According to Yashwant Sinha, both, the BJP and the government were in agreement that no voting was needed and the Sense of the House should be conveyed to the Speaker.

Team Anna member Medha Patkar called it a part betrayal. "This is not what we agreed on with Khurshid; it's part betrayal" she said.

Anna Hazare is expected to end his fast at 10am on Sunday after mediator Vilasrao Deshmukh presents him with a copy of the resolution adopted by Parliament, agreeing to his three demands.

* Anna Hazare is being misled by his team members: Lalu Prasad

*The decision to arrest Anna Hazare was wrong, says RJD leader Lalu Prasad.

* Team Anna aide Arvind Kejriwal said that they are happy with the government's decision to have a voice vote.

*There will be no division on the voice vote after the Lokpal debate.

*Govt agrees to a voice vote on Lokpal debate in Parliament: Times Now

*Govt is speaking in many voices, says CPI's Dasgupta

* Aamir Khan on stage with Anna Hazare at the Ramlila Ground.

*PM holds meeting with members of opposition and government

*Anna is very disappointed with the change of events, says Kiran Bedi

*What is the stand of Congress on Lokpal resolution, asks Kiran Bedi
*Sushma Swaraj clarifies BJP willing to vote in favour of all the 3 sticky demands in both houses of Parliament.

*Finance minister Pranab Mukherjee initiated debate on Lokpal Bill in Lok Sabha on Saturday morning.

* He recounted the chain of events since Anna Hazare first went on fast at the Jantar Mantar on April 9 in New Delhi.

* Pranab Mukherjee said, "Government followed established procedures in introducing Lokpal Bill in Parliament. Whatever we do should be within the Constitution. We are at crossroads, let us try to find solution within constitutional framework without violating supremacy of Parliament.

* Mukherjee further said, "This is one of the rare occasions when the attention of the entire nation and outside is drawn to proceedings of Lok Sabha."

* Mukherjee asked Lok Sabha to consider whether Lokpal will be applicable through the institution of the Lokayukt in all states, whether Lokpal should have power to punish those who violate 'grievance redressal mechanism'.

* Pranab requested Anna Hazare to end fast.

* LK Advani also requested Anna Hazare to end fast.

* Rashtriya Janata Dal leader Lalu Prasad got up agitatedly and said by debating the issue the house was by passing the parliamentary standing committee which is looking into the anti-graft legislation. "By allowing the house to debate the Lokpal bill directly is violating the rules," the RJD leader said soon after Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee's speech.

* Leader of the opposition in Lok Sabha Sushma Swaraj said the bill has been stopped from being tabled 8 times.

* Even my govt failed to pass the bill, said Sushma

* Rahul Gandhi's speech was not on the agenda: Sushma

* Zero hour is for debate and not for discourse

* Rahul's speech was a discourse to the nation and not a debate, said Sushma

* If PM has no issues in coming under Lokpal, why does the govt, questioned Sushma Swaraj

* Sushma Swaraj questioned the content of Rahul Gandhi's speech

* Bringing judiciary in Lokpal will not solve problems: Sushma

* It seems that no one in the govt listens to the PM: Sushma

* We support all the three points raised by Anna Hazare: Sushma Swaraj

* Today the maturity of Parliament: Leader of opposition in Rajya Sabha Arun Jaitley

* For common people, battling corruption has become a way of life: Arun Jaitley

* Anna's movement saw outpouring of popular support: Jaitley

* Congress leader Sandeep Dikshit said it is better to convey a sense of the House to Anna Hazare than indulging in political arguments for cheap publicity. "Should we respond to BJP's barbs or Anna's demand," he asked.


Leader of opposition Sushma Swarajsaid that Anna Hazare's anti-graft campaign had brought the issue of Lokpal to the people and the massive support it garnered was because people were "fed up" of increasing corruption in the last two years.

Initiating the debate at a special sitting on theLokpal bill issue after an address by leader of house Pranab Mukherjee, Sushma Swaraj also urged the members to set an example by having a peaceful debate.

"It is a historical debate, let it be peaceful," she said.

The BJP leader said it was not the first time the Lokpal bill was being taken up by the parliament.

"This is not the first time the bill is being presented, our government also tried but could not get it passed," she said.

"This movement has brought the issue to the public. Earlier whenever a draft was made it was limited to the intellectuals," Sushma Swaraj said.

The opposition leader added the present situation had arisen because people were tired of the increasing corruption.

"The present situation is also because of the increasing corruption in the last two years. People are fed up," she said.

Sushma said Congress general secretary Rahul Gandhi's unscheduled intervention in the Lok Sabha suggesting an autonomous Lokpal "poured cold water on" the statesmanship shown by the prime minister in breaking the logjam.

She also charged that house norms were relaxed to allow Gandhi to make a long speech.

"Rahul Gandhi poured cold water on the statesmanship and initiative by the prime minister," Sushma Swaraj, Leader of Opposition in the House, said while participating in the debate on the Lokpal issue.

She also charged that Rahul Gandhi was allowed to make a long speech during the question hour, which was contrary to the norms. "Zero hour is meant to raise an issue, not to deliver sermons. Why were norms relaxed for Rahul?" she asked.

Her comments triggered objections from the treasury benches, but Speaker Meira Kumar chose not to comment.

Sushma Swaraj spoke after finance minister Pranab Mukherjee initiated the debate in the Lok Sabha on the Lokpal bill by recounting the chain of events since Anna Hazare first went on fast at the Jantar Mantar here April 9.

In an unscheduled intervention during zero hour on Friday, Rahul Gandhi said that a Lokpal bill could not alone end corruption and suggested an autonomous Lokpal on the lines of the Election Commission.

"Zero hour allows three minutes to raise an issue, Rahul took 15 minutes," Sushma Swaraj said.

Taking potshots at the Congress party, Swaraj said: "The PM speaks rarely, and even when he does, no one listens (to him)."

Arrive at Lokpal conclusion by evening: Advani

Senior BJP leader LK Advani urged parliament to resolve the three key demands on the Lokpal Bill raised by Team Anna by evening so that Anna Hazare can call off his 12-day long fast.

"We should discuss the bill throughout the day and till evening the view of the house should go to Anna Hazare, and it will be meaningful if the conclusion of debate leads to ending of Anna ji's fast," he told the Lok Sabha.
What keeps Anna going - diet plan

Though Anna Hazare has been subsisting on water for the past 12 days and has amazed doctors and the public alike with his energy, it is his disciplined life style and self-control that has kept the 74-year-old going, aides close to the social activist said on Saturday.


"It is the self-control mechanism that Hazare is following, it is not new for him as he has always led a principled life," a long-term associate of Hazare said.


His normal diet when he is not fasting consists of milk and fruits, dalia (wheat porridge) and simple khichdi. Most of the time he skips even this simple meal.


"He never takes tea," the aide added.


Regular practice of yoga for at least two hours a day keeps him fit even at his age.


A strict and disciplined lifestyle of this ex-army man has made him achieve this feat.


"He eats only once in a day," he added.

Parliament adopts Sense of House on Anna's demands

CNN-IBN
Updated Aug 27, 2011 at 08:13pm IST

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New Delhi: Parliament adopted the 'Sense of the House' on the three demands raised by anti-corruption crusader Anna Hazare by thumping of the desks on both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha on Saturday in a special sitting. Both Houses debated the Lokpal Bills for more than eight hours and were adjourned till Monday without voting on the three demands put forward by Team Anna. The resolution was not voted upon as the discussion was not held Rule 184.
Anna Hazare will be conveyed 'Sense of the House' through Lok Sabha Speaker Meira Kumar. Hazare, who has been on a fast since August 16 demanding a strong Lokpal to fight corruption, will break his fast at 10 AM on Sunday.
"Parliament has spoken. The will of Parliament is the will of the people," Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said.
The discussion came to an end after more than eight hours of debate on the Lokpal Bills in which 27 speakers participated in the Lok Sabha, with many of then delivering stirring speeches and acknowledging Hazare's agitation for bring the issue of corruption to the centrestage.
There were a lot of twist and turns during the day with frequent changes in the stand of both the Government and Team Anna over the final wordings of the resolution and whether it would be voted upon or not.
Details of resolution:
This House agrees in principle on following issues for an effective and strong Lokpal: 1) Citizen's charter, 2) Lower bureaucracy under Lokpal through appropriate mechanism, 3) Establishment of Lokayukta in states, 4) Further resolve to forward the proceedings of the House to the Standing Committee for its perusal.
(Follow IBNLive.com on Facebook and on Twitter for updates that you can share with your friends.)
#Anna Hazare #Lokpal Bill #Jan Lokpal Bill #Parliament #Lokpal debate

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http://ibnlive.in.com/news/govt-agrees-to-voice-vote-on-annas-demand/179119-37-64.html

Scores of people came out on the roads in Delhi to express their elation over the victory of activist Anna Hazare, whose three key demands on the Lokpal bill were accepted byparliament Saturday.

Sporting Anna caps, waving the tricolour and shouting slogans, people were seen heading towards India Gate.

Some people were found to be dancing to the tunes of patriotic songs on roads, while some took out car rallies and processions.

Many people boarded the metro to reach Ramlila Maidan where Hazare will break his fast 10 a.m. Sunday. At the venue, people were applauding and singing patriotic songs.

Jubiliation in Maharashtra

Thousands of people in Maharashtra, including in Mumbai and Anna Hazare's home village Ralegan-Siddhi, broke out in celebrations Saturday after the activist said he will call off his fast as the government had agreed to his three key demands.

Villagers ran out of their homes as soon as the news broke out.

"Anna is a national hero, he has achieved what many felt was impossible by a hunger strike and a peaceful agitation," an admiring villager said in front of television cameras.

Many people, including women and youths, danced in groups, while the men folk cheered and raised slogans in favour of Hazare.

Similar celebrations were seen in Pune, Nagpur, Kolhapur, Thane and other parts of the state.

Braving heavy rains, Mumbaikars managed to gather in small groups in temples or public places and flashed the victory sign as Hazare compelled the government to take the first concrete steps for a strong Lokpal bill.

"Anna has achieved what the people of the country wanted and he continues to remain safe and healthy," Andheri businessman Rajeev Jain told IANS.

Pooja Pujari, an executive with the five-star Hotel Trident Oberoi, said she was "thrilled by the victory of the people".

"Many of us had taken out a candle light march supporting Anna's cause last week. We are happy our individual efforts have succeeded in achieving Anna's objectives for a strong Lokpal bill," Pooja told IANS.

Praful Vora, the Mumbai coordinator of India Against Corruption, said: "Real parliament is the people, says Annaji. People are supreme and parliament is only an institution to serve them. This has been established again today."

Kiran Gavande, the secretary of Nutan Dabbawala Trust said that he is glad their efforts bore fruit. "We are glad that we supported Annaji by taking a break from providing tiffins for a day, a first in the last 120 years," he said.

"But we are now planning to celebrate by serving our customers with free sweets Monday," he added

Union Minister and former Maharashtra chief minister Vilasrao Deshmukh conveyed the "sense of the house", including in-principle agreement on the three key demands of Anna Hazare on the Lokpal bill, to the activist at Ramlila grounds in New Delhi late Saturday.

Reading out a letter signed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Deshmukh said: "This House agrees, in principle, on the following issues for a strong and effective Lokpal - citizens' charter, lower bureaucracy to be under Lokpal through an appropriate mechanism, (and) establishment of Lokayuktas in the states."

Soon after, the activist announced that he will break his fast at 10 a.m. Sunday. Saturday was the 12th day of Anna Hazare's fast.

    

    

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    27/08/2011

    How Anna united people for a common cause

    New Delhi: There is hardly any similarity between 50-year-old Raghubir Prasad, a rickshaw puller from Bihar, and 20-year-old Meneka Sharma, a student in Delhi. Yet they have been bound together by a common link called Anna Hazare.
    Prasad has been literally camping at the Ramlila Maidan in central Delhi ever since the 74-year-old activist came here from the Tihar Jail to continue his fast demanding a strong, anti-graft bill.
    Like scores of supporters, Prasad eats and sleeps at the sprawling ground, going out around mid-day to ferry passengers. He is not able to earn much money but has no complaints.
    "Annaji is on fast for people like me. We suffer every day because people are so corrupt. The traffic policemen take bribe to allow us to ride on the roads - as it is we earn a pittance, then with the bribe and the money that we have to pay the owner of the rickshaw, we are hardly left with anything," Prasad told IANS, bursting with angst.
    Sharma, a well dressed college goer, is another victim of corruption. "I wanted to study medical, but could not get admission to a particular college because they demanded a couple of lakhs as capitation fee and my father refused. My cousin faced a similar fate," Sharma told IANS, wearing a tricoloured stole around her neck.
    "I am studying in Delhi University now... but for the past 11 days I and some friends have hardly attended any class. This cause is greater than anything else because we have all been victims to corruption at some time or the other and it's high time that comes to an end. We come here early in the day and stay on till evening, raising slogans and helping in some volunteering work," she added.
    Ask them about the Jan Lokpal bill which Hazare and his team are pushing for, Prasad and Sharma had different takes.
    "I know that Annaji wants the Lokpal (bill)...but I don't know what that is," Prasad admitted, giving a sheepish smile as this correspondent's eyes hovered around his T-shirt with the slogan 'Pass the Jan Lokpal bill now!'.
    "I am illiterate madamji... I don't know these jargons. All I know is that Annaji is fighting against corruption and if what he is fighting for comes through, the monster will be killed," he said.
    The 20-year-old collegiate was, however, well aware of the facts. "The Jan Lokpal bill seeks to make everyone accountable. Accountability is very important to end corruption. Why should the prime minister or the judiciary be left out of the Lokpal's ambit? What is the fear? If you are clean you shouldn't be scared," Sharma said confidently as the rest of her friends nodded.
    On the 12th day of Hazare's fast Saturday, the Ramlila ground is swelling with people. There are young children, college goers, professionals, housewives, rickshaw pullers, shop owners and the elderly.
    "It's difficult to assess the number of people - they are in thousands! Being a weekend and a possible decision coming from the parliament, the numbers are bound to increase by a couple of thousands more today," a volunteer at the ground said.
    At the New Delhi Metro station, officials said the ranks of commuters have swelled. According to the Metro officials, the overall footfall of the New Delhi Metro station has gone up by a few thousands over the last 10-12 days.
    While the usual footfall in this station is 40,000, it went up to 65,000 last weekend and is expected to surpass that figure this weekend.
    "I hope something good comes out of this," said an elderly man sitting at the Ramlila ground, looking at a group of young supporters screaming 'Anna Tum Sangharsh Karo, Hum Tumhare Saath Hain!'.
    Source: IANS

    Lobbying

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    For the South Korean TV series, see Lobbyist (TV series).
    Lobbying (also lobby) is the act of attempting to influence decisions made by officials in the government, most often legislators or members of regulatory agencies. Lobbying is done by various people or groups, from private-sector individuals or corporations, fellow legislators or government officials, or advocacy groups (interest groups). Lobbyists may be among a legislator's constituents, meaning a voter or bloc of voters within his or her electoral district, or not; they may engage in lobbying as a business, or not. Professional lobbyists are people whose business is trying to influence legislation on behalf of a special interest who hires them. Individuals and nonprofit organizations can also lobby as an act of volunteering or as a small part of their normal job (for instance, a CEO meeting with a representative about a project important to his/her company, or an activist meeting with his/her legislator in an unpaid capacity). Governments often define and regulate organized group lobbying that has become influential.
    The ethics and morality of lobbying are dual-edged. Lobbying is often spoken of with contempt, when the implication is that people with inordinate socioeconomic power are corrupting the law (twisting it away from fairness) in order to serve their own conflict of interest. But another side of lobbying is making sure that others' interests are duly defended against others' corruption, or even simply making sure that minority interests are fairly defended against mere tyranny of the majority. For example, a medical association may lobby a legislature in order to counteract the influence of a tobacco company, in which case the lobbying would be viewed by most people as justified (duly defending against others' corruption). The difficulty in drawing objective lines between which lobbyists are "good lobbyists" and which ones are "bad ones" is compounded by the cleverness with which lobbyists or their clients can speciously argue that their own lobbying is of the "good" kind. At heart, the effort to influence legislation is a power struggle. As in other forms of power struggle, such as war or law enforcement, motives range from predation to self-defense to fighting for justice, and the dividing line between predation and justice is subject to rationalization or lies—deceiving oneself and/or deceiving others.

  31. [edit]Etymology

    The BBC holds that "lobbying" comes from the gathering of Members of Parliament and peers in the hallways (or lobbies) of Houses of Parliament before and after parliamentary debates.[1] One story states that the term originated at the Willard Hotel in Washington, DC, where it was used by Ulysses S. Grant to describe the political wheelers and dealers who frequented the hotel's lobby to access Grant—who was often there to enjoy a cigar and brandy.[2]
    The term "lobbying" appeared in print as early as 1820:[3]
    Other letters from Washington affirm, that members of the Senate, when the compromise question was to be taken in the House, were not only "lobbying about the Representatives' Chamber" but also active in endeavoring to intimidate certain weak representatives by insulting threats to dissolve the Union.
    —April 1, 1820
    Dictionary definitions:
    • 'Lobbying' (also 'Lobby') is a form of advocacy with the intention of influencing decisions made by the government by individuals or more usually by Lobby groups; it includes all attempts to influence legislators and officials, whether by other legislators, constituents, or organized groups.[4][5]
    • A 'lobbyist' is a person who tries to influence legislation on behalf of a special interest or a member of a lobby.[6]

    [edit]Overview

    Governments often define and regulate organized group lobbying.[7][8][9][10] Economist Thomas Sowell defends corporate lobbying as simply an example of a group having better knowledge of its interests than the people at large do of theirs.[11]
    Lobby groups may concentrate their efforts on the legislatures, where laws are created, but may also use the judicial branch to advance their causes. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, for example, filed suits in state and federal courts in the 1950s to challenge segregation laws. Their efforts resulted in the Supreme Court declaring such laws unconstitutional.
    They may use a legal device known as amicus curiae, literally "friend of the court," briefs to try and influence court cases. Briefs are written documents filed with a court, typically by parties to a lawsuit. Amines curiae briefs are briefs filed by people or groups who are not parties to a suit. These briefs are entered into the court records, and give additional background on the matter being decided upon. Advocacy groups use these briefs both to share their expertise and to promote their positions.

    [edit]Lobbying by country

    [edit]United Kingdom

    Main article: Lobbying in the United Kingdom
    The House of Commons Public Administration Select Committee argued that while there are shortcomings in the regulation of the lobbying industry in the United Kingdom, "The practice of lobbying in order to influence political decisions is a legitimate and necessary part of the democratic process. Individuals and organizations reasonably want to influence decisions that may affect them, those around them, and their environment. Government in turn needs access to the knowledge and views that lobbying can bring."[12]
    Many recent MPs and in particular Ministers are recruited by lobby firms and lobbyists have been recruited by ministers as 'special advisors' using what is termed the Revolving door of influence. In 2009 the House of Commons Public Administration Select Committee recommended that a statutory register of lobbying activity and lobbyists would improve transparency to the dealings between Whitehall decision makers and outside interests.[13]
    Parliament controversially responded to this recommendation by saying that self-regulation was more practical.[14] The Conservative leader,David Cameron, predicted that it was "the next big scandal waiting to happen" and was one that had "tainted our politics for too long, an issue that exposes the far-too-cosy relationship between politics, government, business and money".[15]

    [edit]United States

    Main article: Lobbying in the United States
    The ability of individuals, groups, and corporations to lobby the government is protected by the right to petition[16] in the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. Lobbyists use time spent with legislators and executive branch officials to explain the goals of the organizations they represent, and to present those organizations' points of view. Another important function of lobbyists is to serve as a conduit for information flowing the other way, from officials to the people employing the lobbyists; they can serve as legislative tacticians, determining the best way for an organization to fulfill its goals.
    Lobbying activities are also performed at the state level, and lobbyists try to influence legislation in the state legislatures in each of the 50 states. At the municipal level, some lobbying activities occur with city council members and county commissioners, especially in the larger cities and more populous counties.
    Since 1998, 43 percent of the 198 members of Congress who left government to join the private sector have registered to lobby using the 'revolving door of influence'. The Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995 and Honest Leadership and Open Government Act of 2007 increased regulation and transparency. In 2009 U.S. President Barack Obama signed two executive orders and three presidential memoranda on his first day in office governing how former lobbyists can be employed in the government, and restrictions on lobbying once leaving the government.[17]
    In the United States, the Internal Revenue Service makes a clear distinction for nonprofit organizations between lobbying and advocacy, limiting the former to "asking policymakers to take a specific position on a specific piece of legislation, or that ask others to ask the same"; in common language, the definition of lobbying is normally broader. Other activities that seek to influence policies, possibly including public demonstrations and the filing of "friend of the court briefs", are termed as "advocacy".[18]

    [edit]European Union

    The more political influence the European Union gains on a global level, and the more policy areas it covers, the more interesting it becomes for lobbyists. With its enlargement in 2004 this development has taken a further step, bringing in not only a lot more players and stakeholders but also a wide range of different political cultures and traditions.
    Currently around 15,000 Brussels-based lobbyists (consultants, lawyers, associations, corporations, NGOs etc.) seek to influence the EU's legislative process. Some 2,600 special interest groups have a permanent office in Brussels. Their distribution is roughly as follows: European trade federations (32%), consultants (20%), companies (13%), NGOs (11%), national associations (10%), regional representations (6%), international organizations (5%) and think tanks (1%), (Lehmann, 2003, pp iii).[citation needed]
    The fragmented nature of EU institutional structure provides multiple channels through which organized interests may seek to influence policy-making. Lobbying takes place at the European level itself and within the existing national states. The most important institutional targets are the Commission, the Council, and the European Parliament.[19] The Commission has a monopoly on the initiative in Community decision-making. Since it has the power to draft initiatives, it makes it ideally suited as an arena for interest representation.
    There are three main channels of indirect lobbying of the Council. First, lobbying groups routinely lobby the national delegations in Brussels. The second indirect means of lobbying the Council is for interest groups to lobby members of the many Council-working groups. The third means of influencing the Council is directly via national governments. As a consequence of the co-decision procedures, the European Parliament attracts attention from lobbyists who target the rapporteur and the chairman of the committee. The rapporteurs are MEPsappointed by Committees to prepare the parliament's response to the Commission's proposal and to those measures taken by the Parliament itself.
    Lobbying in Brussels was born only in the late 1970s. Up to that time, "diplomatic lobbying" at the highest levels remained the rule. There were few lobbyists involved in the system and except for some business associations, representative offices were rarely used. The event that sparked the explosion of lobbying was the first direct election of the European Parliament in 1979. Up until then the Parliament consisted of a complex, and companies increasingly felt the need of an expert local presence to find out what was going on in Brussels. The foundation of lobbying was therefore the need to provide information. From that developed the need to influence the process actively and effectively. The next important step in lobbying development was the Single European Act of 1986, which both created the qualified majority vote for taking decisions in the Council and enhanced the role of the Parliament, again making EU legislation more complex and lobbying further more important and attractive for stakeholders.
    In the wake of the Abramoff scandal in Washington and the massive impact that this had on the lobbying scene in the United States, the rules for lobbying in the EU—which until now consist of only a non-binding code of conduct-—may also be tightened.[20]
    See also: Freedom of information legislation#European Union

    [edit]France

    In France, the political system does not integrate the lobbying practice. Much French republican thought has been suspicious of the claims of "particular interests," which are often contrasted with the "general interest" of the nation. This is one interpretation of Rousseau's Social Contract, for example. So while lobbying has always been practiced in France, organized lobbying made a significant appearance in France only in the early 1980s. Since then, it has steadily grown; many interest groups routinely seek to influence the French institutions as the Government and the French Parliament ("National Assembly" and "Senate"). To make up the lost time, more and more French enterprises try to organize their own lobbies by creating their own public affairs department. In recent years, growing numbers of grassroots and grasstop lobbies have been organized by citizen groups, representing interests such as genetically modified organisms and software piracy.
    But there is currently no regulation at all for lobbying activities in France and, as a consequence, this practice suffers from a lack of transparency. There is no regulated access to the French institutions and no register. For example, the internal rule of the National Assembly (art. 23 and 79) forbid to members of Parliament to be linked with a particular interest. However, MPs don't have to declare their interest and the list of MPs' assistants is not public. At last, there is no rule at all for consultation of interest groups by the Parliament and the Government. Nevertheless, a recent parliamentary initiative (motion for a resolution)[21] has been launched by several MPs so as to establish a register for representatives of interest groups and lobbyists who intend to lobby the MPs. The purpose of this initiative is to introduce standards of conduct and access to the National Assembly. Through the use of a register, these standards of conduct and access will enable the Assembly to identify and maintain a list of the representatives of interest groups who follow legislative activity and to supervise fully the access of those representatives to the National Assembly. This motion has not been adopted yet.

    [edit]Other countries

    Only countries where lobbying is regulated in parliament bills include:

    [edit]See also

    Main article: List of basic public affairs topics

    [edit]References

    1. ^ BBC Definition of "lobbying"
    2. ^ NPR - A Lobbyist by Any Other Name? - NPR discussion of Ulysses Grant and origins of the term lobbyist.
    3. ^ Deanna Gelak (previous president of the American League of Lobbyists) mentioned this in her book Lobbying and Advocacy: Winning Strategies, Resources, Recommendations, Ethics and Ongoing Compliance for Lobbyists and Washington Advocates, TheCapitol.Net, 2008, LobbyingAndAdvocacy.com
    4. ^ "lobbying". Merriam-Webster Dictionary.Com.
    5. ^ "lobbying". BBC News (London). 1 October 2008. Retrieved 24 March 2010.
    6. ^ "lobbist". Random House Unabridged Dictionary. 2006.
    7. ^ Non-Profit Action description of "Lobbying Versus Advocacy: Legal Definitions".
    8. ^ U.S. Senate definition of Lobbying.
    9. ^ Andrew Bounds and Marine Formentinie in Brussels, EU Lobbyists Face Tougher Regulation, Financial Times, August 16, 2007.
    10. ^ [1]
    11. ^ Bowell, Thomas. Knowledge and Decisions
    12. ^ Public Administration Select Committee (5 January 2009)."Lobbying: Access and influence in Whitehall" (pdf). Retrieved 5 January 2009.
    13. ^ Public Administration Select Committee (5 January 2009). "PASC calls for a register of lobbying activity". Retrieved 5 January 2009.
    14. ^ "Government rejects call for lobbying register". Civil Society. Retrieved 2010-03-03.
    15. ^ Porter, Andrew (8 February 2010). "David Cameron warns lobbying is next political scandal". The Daily Telegraph(London). Retrieved 2010-03-03.
    16. ^ "The Right to Petition". Illinois First Amendment Center.
    17. ^ http://www.whitehouse.gov/issues/ethics/ Ethics
    18. ^ "Lobbying Versus Advocacy: Legal Definitions". NP Action. Retrieved 2010-03-02.
    19. ^ Kierkegaard, Sylvia (2005) How the Cookie (almost crumbled). Computer Law and Security Report Vol.21 Issue 4
    20. ^ Green Paper on European Transparency Initiative European Commission, 2006. Retrieved September 20, 2009
    21. ^ French National Assembly : Motion for a Resolution on Lobbying (21 November 2006)
    22. ^ a b c d GLOSSARY - Alphabetical list of terms associated with the Lobbying industry.
    23. ^ http://www.knesset.gov.il/lexicon/eng/lobby_eng.htm

    [edit]Bibliography


    [edit]External links

    *

    Look up Lobby in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.


    [edit]United States


    [edit]Europe


    Categories: Political terms | Lobbying | Military-industrial complex

    Free market

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    For free-market economy, see Market economy.

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    A free market is a market free from state intervention. However, the term is also commonly used for markets in which economic intervention and regulation by the state is limited to tax collection, and enforcement of private ownership and contracts. It is the opposite of a controlled market, in which the state directly regulates how goods, services and labor may be used, priced, or distributed, rather than relying on the mechanism of supply and demand. Advocates of a free market traditionally consider the term to imply that the means of production is under private, and not state control or co-operative ownership. This is the contemporary use of the term "free market" by economists and in popular culture; the term has had other uses historically.
    A free-market economy is one within which all markets are unregulated by any parties other than market participants. In its purest form, the government plays a neutral role in its administration and legislation of economic activity, neither limiting it (by regulating industries or protecting them from internal/external market pressures) nor actively promoting it (by owning economic interests or offering subsidies to businesses or R&D).
    The theory holds that within an ideal free market, property rights are voluntarily exchanged at a price arranged solely by the mutual consent of sellers and buyers. By definition, buyers and sellers do notcoerce each other, in the sense that they obtain each other's property rights without the use of physical force, threat of physical force, or fraud, nor are they coerced by a third party (such as by government viatransfer payments)[1] and they engage in trade simply because they both consent and believe that what they are getting is worth more than or as much as what they give up. Price is the result of buying and selling decisions en masse as described by the theory of supply and demand.
    Free markets contrast sharply with controlled markets or regulated markets, in which governments more actively regulate prices and/or supplies, directly or indirectly, which according to free-market theory causes markets to be less efficient.[2] Where substantial state intervention exists, the market is a mixed economy. Where the state or co-operative association of producers directly manages the economy to achieve stated goals, economic planning is said to be in effect; when economic planning entirely substitutes market activity, the economy is a Command economy.
    In the marketplace, the price of a good or service helps communicate consumer demand to producers and thus directs the allocation of resources toward satisfaction of consumers as well as investors. In a free market, the system of prices is the emergent result of a vast number of voluntary transactions, rather than of political decrees as in a controlled market. The freer the market, the more truly the prices will reflect consumer habits and demands, and the more valuable the information in these prices are to all players in the economy. Through free competition between vendors for the provision of products and services, prices tend to decrease, and quality tends to increase. A free market is not to be confused with a perfect market where individuals have perfect information and there is perfect competition.
    Free-market economics is closely associated with laissez-faire economic philosophy, which advocates approximating this condition in the real world by mostly confining government intervention in economic matters to regulating against force and fraud among market participants. Some free-market advocates oppose taxation as well, claiming that the market is more efficient at providing all valuable services of whichdefense and law are no exception, that such services can be provided without direct taxation and that consent would be the basis of political legitimacy making it a morally consistent system. Anarcho-capitalists, for example, would substitute arbitration agencies and private defense agencies.
    In social philosophy, a free-market economy is a system for allocating goods within a society: purchasing power mediated by supply and demand within the market determines who gets what and what is produced, rather than the state. A free market may refer narrowly to national economies, or internationally; specific reference to international markets is referred to as free trade (for goods) or lack of capital controls (for money). Early proponents of a free-market economy in 18th century Europe contrasted it with the medieval, early modern, andmercantilist economies which preceded it.

    [edit]Supply and demand

    Main article: Supply and demand
    Supply and demand are always equal as they are the two sides of the same set of transactions, and discussions of "imbalances" are a muddled and indirect way of referring to price.[3] However, in an unmeasurable qualitative sense, demand for an item (such as goods or services) refers to the market pressure from people trying to buy it. They will "bid" money for the item, while in return sellers offer the item for money. When the bid matches the offer, a transaction can easily occur (even automatically, as in a typical stock market). In Western society, most shops and markets do not resemble the stock market, and there are significant costs and barriers to "shopping around" (comparison shopping).
    The model is commonly applied to wages, in the market for labor. The typical roles of supplier and consumer are reversed. The suppliers are individuals, who try to sell (supply) their labor for the highest price. The consumers of labors are businesses, which try to buy (demand) the type of labor they need at the lowest price. As populations increase wages fall for any given unskilled or skilled labor supply. Conversely, wages tend to go up with a decrease in population.
    When demand exceeds supply, suppliers can raise the price, but when supply exceeds demand, suppliers will have to decrease the price in order to make sales. Consumers who can afford the higher prices may still buy, but others may forgo the purchase altogether, demand a better price, buy a similar item, or shop elsewhere. As the price rises, suppliers may also choose to increase production, or more suppliers may enter the business.

    [edit]Spontaneous order or "invisible hand"

    Main articles: Invisible hand and Spontaneous order
    Friedrich Hayek argues for the classical liberal view that market economies allow spontaneous order; that is, "a more efficient allocation of societal resources than any design could achieve."[4] According to this view, in market economies sophisticated business networks are formed which produce and distribute goods and services throughout the economy. This network was not designed, but emerged as a result of decentralized individual economic decisions. Supporters of the idea of spontaneous order trace their views to the concept of the invisible handproposed by Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations who said that the individual who:
    "By preferring the support of domestic to that of foreign industry, he intends only his own security; and by directing that industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention. Nor is it always the worse for society that it was no part of it. By pursuing his own interest [an individual] frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it. I have never known much good done by those who affected to trade for the [common] good." (Wealth of Nations)
    Smith pointed out that one does not get one's dinner by appealing to the brother-love of the butcher, the farmer or the baker. Rather one appeals to their self interest, and pays them for their labor.
    "It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own self interest. We address ourselves, not to their humanity but to their self-love, and never talk to them of our own necessities but of their advantages."[5]
    Supporters of this view claim that spontaneous order is superior to any order that does not allow individuals to make their own choices of what to produce, what to buy, what to sell, and at what prices, due to the number and complexity of the factors involved. They further believe that any attempt to implement central planning will result in more disorder, or a less efficient production and distribution of goods and services.

    [edit]Economic equilibrium

    Main article: Economic equilibrium
    General equilibrium theory has demonstrated, with varying degrees of mathematical rigor over time, that under certain conditions ofcompetition, the law of Supply and Demand predominates in this ideal free and competitive market, influencing prices toward an equilibriumthat balances the demands for the products against the supplies.[6][7] At these equilibrium prices, the market distributes the products to the purchasers according to each purchaser's preference (or utility) for each product and within the relative limits of each buyer's purchasing power. This result is described as market efficiency, or more specifically a Pareto optimum.
    This equilibrating behavior of free markets requires certain assumptions about their agents, collectively known as Perfect Competition, which therefore cannot be results of the market that they create. Among these assumptions are complete information, interchangeable goods and services, and lack of market power, that obviously cannot be fully achieved. The question then is what approximations of these conditions guarantee approximations of market efficiency, and which failures in competition generate overall market failures. Several Nobel Prizes in Economics have been awarded for analyses of market failures due to asymmetric information.
    Some models in econophysics[8] have shown that when agents are allowed to interact locally in a free market (i.e. their decisions depend not only on utility and purchasing power, but also on their peers' decisions), prices can become unstable and diverge from the equilibrium, often in an abrupt manner. The behavior of the free market is thus said to be non-linear (a pair of agents bargaining for a purchase will agree on a different price than 100 identical pairs of agents doing the identical purchase). Speculation bubbles and the type of herd behavior often observed in stock markets are quoted as real life examples of non-equilibrium price trends. Some laissez-faire free-market advocates, like Chicago school economists, often dismiss this endogenous theory, and blame external influences, such as weather, commodity prices, technological developments, and government meddling for non-equilibrium prices.

    [edit]Distribution of wealth

    Main article: Distribution of wealth
    The distribution of purchasing power in an economy depends to a large extent on the nature of government intervention, social class, laborand financial markets, but also on other, lesser factors such as family relationships, inheritance, gifts and so on. Many theories describing the operation of a free market focus primarily on the markets for consumer products, and their description of the labor market or financial markets tends to be more complicated and controversial.
    Joshua Epstein and Robert Axtell have attempted to predict the properties of free markets empirically in the agent-based computer simulation "Sugarscape". They came to the conclusion that, under idealized conditions, free markets lead to a Pareto distribution of wealth.[8]

    [edit]Laissez-faire economics

    Main article: Laissez-faire economics
    The necessary components for the functioning of an idealized free market include the complete absence of artificial price pressures from taxes, subsidies, tariffs, or government regulation (other than protection from coercion and theft), and no government-granted monopolies(usually classified as coercive monopoly by free-market advocates) like the United States Post Office, Amtrak, patents, etc.

    [edit]Deregulation

    Main article: Deregulation
    In an absolutely free-market economy, all capital, goods, services, and money flow transfers are unregulated by the government except to stop collusion or fraud that may take place among market participants.[citation needed] As this protection must be funded, such a government taxes only to the extent necessary to perform this function, if at all. This state of affairs is also known as laissez-faire.
    Internationally, free markets are advocated by proponents of economic liberalism; in Europe this is usually simply called liberalism. In theUnited States, support for free market is associated most with libertarianism. Since the 1970s, promotion of a global free-market economy,deregulation and privatization, is often described as neoliberalism.
    The term free-market economy is sometimes used to describe some economies that exist today (such as Hong Kong), but pro-market groups would only accept that description if the government practices laissez-faire policies, rather than state intervention in the economy.[specify] An economy that contains significant economic interventionism by government, while still retaining some characteristics found in a free market is often called a mixed economy.

    [edit]Low barriers to entry

    A free market does not require the existence of competition, however it does require that there are no barriers to new market entrants. Hence, in the lack of coercive barriers it is generally understood that competition flourishes in a free-market environment. It often suggests the presence of the profit motive, although neither a profit motive or profit itself are necessary for a free market. All modern free markets are understood to include entrepreneurs, both individuals and businesses. Typically, a modern free market economy would include other features, such as a stock exchange and a financial services sector, but they do not define it.

    [edit]Legal tender and taxes

    In a free-market economy, money would not be monopolized by legal tender laws or by a central bank, in order to receive taxes from the transactions or to be able to issue loans.[citation needed] Minarchists (advocates of minimal government) contend that the coercion of taxes is essential for the market's survival, and a market free from taxes may lead to no market at all. By definition, there is no market without private property, and private property can only exist while there is an entity that defines and defends it. Traditionally, the State defends private property and defines it by issuing ownership titles, and also nominates the central authority to print or mint currency. "Free-market anarchists" disagree with the above assessment – they maintain that private property and free markets can be protected by voluntarily-funded services under the concept of individualist anarchism and anarcho-capitalism.[9][10] A free market could be defined alternatively as a tax-free market, independent of any central authority, which uses a medium of exchange such as money, even in the absence of the State. It is disputed, however, whether this hypothetical stateless market could function.

    [edit]Index of economic freedom

    The Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank, tried to identify the key factors necessary to measure the degree of freedom of economy of a particular country. In 1986 they introduced the Index of Economic Freedom, which is based on some fifty variables. This and other similar indices do not define a free market, but measure the degree to which a modern economy is free, meaning in most cases free of state intervention. The variables are divided into the following major groups:
    • Trade policy,
    • Fiscal burden of government,
    • Government intervention in the economy,
    • Monetary policy,
    • Capital flows and foreign investment,
    • Banking and finance,
    • Wages and prices,
    • Property rights,
    • Regulation, and
    • Informal market activity.

    Each group is assigned a numerical value between 1 and 5; IEF is the arithmetical mean of the values, rounded to the hundredth. Initially, countries which were traditionally considered capitalistic received high ratings, but the method improved over time. Some economists, likeMilton Friedman and other Laissez-faire economists have argued that there is a direct relationship between economic growth and economic freedom, but this assertion has not been proven yet, both theoretically and empirically. Continuous debates among scholars on methodological issues in empirical studies of the connection between economic freedom and economic growth still try to find out what is the relationship, if any.[11][12][13][14]

    [edit]History and ideology

    The meaning of "free" market has varied over time and between economists, the ambiguous term "free" facilitating reuse. To illustrate the ambiguity: classical economists such as Adam Smith believed that an economy should be free of monopoly rents, while proponents of laissez faire believe that people should be free to form monopolies. In this article "free market" is largely identified with laissez faire, though alternative senses are discussed in this section and in criticism. The identification of the "free market" with "laissez faire" was notably used in the 1962 Capitalism and Freedom, by economist Milton Friedman, which is credited with popularizing this usage.[15]
    Some theorists might argue that a free market is a natural form of social organization, and that a free market will arise in any society where it is not obstructed (i.e. Ludwig von Mises, Hayek). The consensus among economic historians is that the free market economy is a specific historic phenomenon, and that it emerged in late medieval and early-modern Europe.[citation needed] Other economic historians see elements of the free market in the economic systems of Classical Antiquity,[citation needed] and in some non-western societies.[citation needed] By the 19th century the market certainly had organized political support, in the form of laissez-faire liberalism. However, it is not clear if the support preceded the emergence of the market or followed it. Some historians see it as the result of the success of early liberal ideology, combined with the specific interests of the entrepreneur.
    Support for the free market as an ordering principle of society is above all associated with liberalism, especially during the 19th century. (In Europe, the term 'liberalism' retains its connotation as the ideology of the free market, but in American and Canadian usage it came to be associated with government intervention, and acquired a pejorative meaning for supporters of the free market.) Later ideological developments, such as minarchism, libertarianism and Objectivism also support the free market, and insist on its pure form. Although the Western worldshares a generally similar form of economy, usage in the United States and Canada is to refer to this as capitalism, while in Europe 'free market' is the preferred neutral term. Modern liberalism (American and Canadian usage), and in Europe social democracy, seek only to mitigate the problems of an unrestrained free market, and accept its existence as such.

    [edit]Classical economics

    In the classical economics of such figures as Adam Smith and David Ricardo, "free markets" meant "free of unnecessary charges"[16] and a "market free from monopoly power, business fraud, political insider dealing and special privileges for vested interests".[17] A "free market" particularly meant one free of foreign debt;[18] as discussed in The Wealth of Nations.[19] Alternatively, stated, it was a market freed fromFeudalism and serfdom, or more formally, one free of economic rent, in the formulation by David Ricardo of the Law of Rent.

    [edit]Marxism

    In Marxist theory, the idea of the free market simply expresses the underlying long-term transition from feudalism to capitalism. Note that the views on this issue – emergence or implementation – do not necessarily correspond to pro-market and anti-market positions. Libertarianswould dispute that the market was enforced through government policy, since they believe it is a spontaneous order and Marxists agree with them because they as well believe it is evolutionary, although with a different end.

    [edit]Liberalism

    Support for the free market as an ordering principle of society is above all associated with liberalism, especially during the 19th century. (In Europe, the term 'liberalism' retains its connotation as the ideology of the free market, but in American and Canadian usage it came to be associated with government intervention, and acquired a pejorative meaning for supporters of the free market.) Later ideological developments, such as minarchism, libertarianism and Objectivism also support the free market, and insist on its pure form. Although the Western worldshares a generally similar form of economy, usage in the United States and Canada is to refer to this as capitalism, while in Europe 'free market' is the preferred neutral term. The advocates of modern liberalism (American and Canadian usage), and in Europe those of social democracy, seek ostensibly only to mitigate what they see as the problems of an unrestrained free market, and accept the existence of markets as such.
    To most libertarians, there is simply no free market yet, given the degree of state intervention in even the most 'capitalist' of countries. From their perspective, those who say they favor a "free market" are speaking in a relative, rather than an absolute, sense — meaning (in libertarian terms) they wish that coercion be kept to the minimum that is necessary to maximize economic freedom (such necessary coercion would be taxation, for example) and to maximize market efficiency by lowering trade barriers, making the tax system neutral in its influence on important decisions such as how to raise capital, e.g., eliminating the double tax on dividends so that equity financing is not at a disadvantage vis-a-vis debt financing. However, there are some such as anarcho-capitalists who would not even allow for taxation and governments, instead preferring protectors of economic freedom in the form of private contractors.

    [edit]Criticism

    *

    A concern has been raised that this article's Criticism section may be compromising the article's neutral point of view of the subject. Possible resolutions may be to integrate the material in the section into the article as a whole, or to rewrite the contents of the section. Please see the discussion on the talk page. (September 2010)


    Critics dispute the claim that in practice free markets create perfect competition, or even increase market competition over the long run. Whether the marketplace should be or is free is disputed; many assert that government intervention is necessary to remedy market failurethat is held to be an inevitable result of absolute adherence to free market principles. These failures range from military services to roads, and some would argue, to health care. This is the central argument of those who argue for a mixed market, free at the base, but with government oversight to control social problems.
    Another criticism is definitional, in that far-ranging governmental actions such as the creation of corporate personhood or more broadly, the governmental actions behind the very creation of artificial legal entities called corporations, are not considered "intervention" within mainstream economic schools. This inherent definitional bias allows many to advocate strong governmental actions that promote corporate power, while advocating against government actions limiting it, while putting these dual positions under the umbrella of "pro free markets" or "anti-intervention."
    Two prominent Canadian authors (both very hostile to the "Chicago School" philosophy) argue that government at times has to intervene to ensure competition in large and important industries. Naomi Klein illustrates this roughly in her work The Shock Doctrine and John Ralston Saul more humorously illustrates this through various examples in The Collapse of Globalism and the Reinvention of the World.[20] While its supporters argue that only a free market can create healthy competition and therefore more business and reasonable prices, opponents say that a free market in its purest form may result in the opposite. According to Klein and Ralston, the merging of companies into giant corporations or the privatization of government-run industry and national assets often result in monopolies (or oligopolies) requiring government intervention to force competition and reasonable prices.[20]
    Critics of laissez-faire since Adam Smith[21] variously see the unregulated market as an impractical ideal or as a rhetorical device that puts the concepts of freedom and anti-protectionism at the service of vested wealthy interests, allowing them to attack labor laws and other protections of the working classes.[22]
    Because no national economy in existence fully manifests the ideal of a free market as theorized by economists, some critics of the concept consider it to be a fantasy – outside of the bounds of reality in a complex system with opposing interests and different distributions of wealth.
    These critics range from those who reject markets entirely, in favour of a planned economy or a communal economy, such as that advocated by Marxism, to those who merely wish to see market failures regulated to various degrees or supplemented by certain government interventions. For example, Keynesians recognize a role for government in providing corrective measures, such as use of fiscal policy for economy stimulus, when decisions in the private sector lead to suboptimal economic outcomes, such as depression or recession, which manifest in widespread hardship. Business cycle theory is used by Keynes to explain 'liquidity traps' by which underconsumption occurs, in order to argue for government intervention with central banking. Free market economists consider this credit-expansion as the cause of the business cycle in refutation of this Keynesian criticism.

    [edit]Externalities

    One practical objection is the claim that markets do not take into account externalities (effects of transactions that affect third parties), such as the negative effects of pollution or the positive effects of education. What exactly constitutes an externality may be up for debate, including the extent to which it changes based upon the political climate.
    Some proponents of market economies believe that governments should not diminish market freedom because they disagree on what is a market externality and what are government-created externalities, and disagree over what the appropriate level of intervention is necessary to solve market-created externalities. Others believe that government should intervene to prevent market failure while preserving the general character of a market economy. In the model of a social market economy the state intervenes where the market does not meet political demands. John Rawls was a prominent proponent of this idea.

    [edit]Differing ideas

    Some advocates of free market ideologies have criticized mainstream conceptions of the free market, arguing that a truly free market would not resemble the modern-day capitalist economy. For example, contemporary mutualist Kevin Carson argues in favor of "free market anti-capitalism." Carson has stated that "From Smith to Ricardo and Mill, classical liberalism was a revolutionary doctrine that attacked the privileges of the great landlords and the mercantile interests. Today, we see vulgar libertarians perverting "free market" rhetoric to defend the contemporary institution that most closely resembles, in terms of power and privilege, the landed oligarchies and mercantilists of the Old Regime: the giant corporation."[23]
    Carson believes that a true free market society would be "[a] world in which... land and property [is] widely distributed, capital [is] freely available to laborers through mutual banks, productive technology [is] freely available in every country without patents, and every people [is] free to develop locally without colonial robbery..."[24]

    [edit]Simulation of biological laws

    See also: Social Darwinism

    The Red-billed Oxpecker feed on ticks off the impala's coat. Such biological interaction is not competitive in nature.

    The free market is believed to self-regulate in the most efficient and just way. Adam Smith described this behavior with the metaphor of an invisible hand urging society towards prosperity.
    Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was very appealing to economists, sociologists and political scientists (most notably Walter Bagehot and William Graham Sumner) who adapted and rationalized the invisible hand by incorporating the popular idea of the survival of the fittest.[25] They proposed – among others – that in a fully competitive economic environment (as they thought was the case of ecosystems) the most potent individuals would thrive and in turn society would prosper (in analogy to the observed biodiversity and abundance of life on earth). Such arguments lead to the consolidation of neoliberalism and laissez-faire. A notable difference, however, is that selection in biotic systems is "actual" whereas in cultural systems it is "virtual": it can be avoided/invisible due to changing or limiting human perception. This permits economic non-responsiveness to selective pressure through externalities and control of mass-media, for example, introducing significant potential for maladaption. See discussions on evolution and Sociocultural evolution for more information.

    [edit]Martin J. Whitman

    *

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    Not all advocates of capitalism consider free markets to be practical. For example, Martin J. Whitman has written, in a discussion of Keynes,Friedman and Hayek, that these "…great economists…missed a lot of details that are part and parcel of every value investor's daily life." While calling Hayek "100% right" in his critique of the pure command economy, he writes "However, in no way does it follow, as many Hayek disciples seem to believe, that government is per se bad and unproductive while the private sector is, per se good and productive. In well-run industrial economies, there is a marriage between government and the private sector, each benefiting from the other." As illustrations of this, he points at "Japan after World War II, Singapore and the other Asian Tigers, Sweden and China." The notable exception is Hong Kong which found prosperity on an extremely austere free market concept.
    He argues, in particular, for the value of government-provided credit and of carefully crafted tax laws.[26] Further, Whitman argues (explicitly against Hayek) that "a free market situation is probably also doomed to failure if there exist control persons who are not subject to external disciplines imposed by various forces over and above competition." The lack of these disciplines, says Whitman, lead to "1. Very exorbitant levels of executive compensation… 2. Poorly financed businesses with strong prospects for money defaults on credit instruments… 3. Speculative bubbles… 4. Tendency for industry competition to evolve into monopolies and oligopolies… 5. Corruption." For all of these he provides recent examples from the U.S. economy, which he considers to be in some respects under-regulated,[26] although in other respects over-regulated (he is generally opposed to Sarbanes-Oxley).[27]
    He believes that an apparently "free" relationship—that between a corporation and its investors and creditors—is actually a blend of "voluntary exchanges" and "coercion". For example, there are "voluntary activities, where each individual makes his or her own decision whether to buy, sell, or hold" but there are also what he defines as "[c]oercive activities, where each individual security holder is forced to go along…provided that a requisite majority of other security holders so vote…" His examples of the latter include proxy voting, most merger and acquisition transactions, certain cash tender offers, and reorganization or liquidation in bankruptcy.[28] Whitman also states that "Corporate Americawould not work at all unless many activities continued to be coercive."[29]
    "I am one with Professor Friedman that, other things being equal, it is far preferable to conduct economic activities through voluntary exchange relying on free markets rather than through coercion. But Corporate America would not work at all unless many activities continued to be coercive."[30]

    [edit]See also


    [edit]Notes

    1. ^ "Free Market." Rothbard, Murray. The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics
    2. ^ Dictionary of Finance and Investment Terms. Barrons, 1995
    3. ^ http://www.donsheelen.org/page14.aspx
    4. ^ Hayek cited. Petsoulas, Christian. Hayek's Liberalism and Its Origins: His Idea of Spontaneous Order and the Scottish Enlightenment. Routledge. 2001. p. 2
    5. ^ Smith, Adam, "2", Wealth of Nations, 1, London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell
    6. ^ , by Eugene Walras
    7. ^ Theory of Value, by Gerard Debreu
    8. ^ a b Critical MassBall, Philip, ISBN 0-09-945786-5
    9. ^ Biography of Murray N. Rothbard (1926–1995)
    10. ^ The Machinery of Freedom
    11. ^ COLE, Julio H. and LAWSON, Robert A. Handling Economic Freedom in Growth Regressions: Suggestions for Clarification. Econ Journal Watch, Volume 4, Number 1, January 2007, pp 71–78.
    12. ^ DE HAAN, Jacob and STURM, Jan-Egbert. How to Handle Economic Freedom: Reply to Lawson. Econ Journal Watch, Volume 3, Number 3, September 2006, pp 407–411.
    13. ^ DE HAAN, Jacob and STURM, Jan-Egbert. Handling Economic Freedom in Growth Regressions: A Reply to Cole and Lawson. Econ Journal Watch, Volume 4, Number 1, January 2007, pp 79–82.
    14. ^ AYAL, Eliezer B. and KARRAS, Georgios. Components of Economic Freedom and Growth. Journal of Developing Areas, Vol.32, No.3, Spring 1998, 327–338. Publisher: Western Illinois University.
    15. ^ Who Broke America's Jobs Machine? by Barry C. Lynn and Phillip Longman, the Washington Monthly
    16. ^ The Fictitious Economy, Part 1, An Interview With Dr. Michael Hudson, by Bonnie Faulkner with Michael Hudson, 15 July 2008
    17. ^ This interpretation is advanced in The Language of Looting, Michael Hudson
    18. ^ The Financial War Against Iceland, Michael Hudson
    19. ^ The Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith, Book V, Chapter 3: of Public Debts
    20. ^ a b The End of Globalism. Saul, John.
    21. ^ "People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices."—Wealth of Nations, I.x.c.27 (Part II)
    22. ^ "Masters are always and everywhere in a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform combination, not to raise the wages of labour above their actual rate… [When workers combine,] masters… never cease to call aloud for the assistance of the civil magistrate, and the rigorous execution of those laws which have been enacted with so much severity against the combinations of servants, labourers, and journeymen."—Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, I.viii.13
    23. ^ Kevin Carson, Naomi Klein: The Shock Doctrine November 7, 2007
    24. ^ Kevin Carson, The Iron Fist Behind the Invisible Hand: Corporate Capitalism as a State-Guaranteed System of Privilege
    25. ^ social Darwinism. (2009). Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica 2009 Student and Home Edition. Chicago: Encyclopædia Britannica.
    26. ^ a b Kevin Carson, The Iron Fist Behind the Invisible Hand: Corporate Capitalism as a State-Guaranteed System of Privilege, p. 4
    27. ^ Martin J. Whitman, Third Avenue Value Fund Letters to our Shareholders July 31, 2004 (PDF), page 2.
    28. ^ Martin J. Whitman, Third Avenue Value Fund Letters to our Shareholders July 31, 2004 (PDF), page 5.
    29. ^ Martin J. Whitman, Third Avenue Value Fund letter to shareholders October 31, 2005. p.6.
    30. ^ Martin J. Whitman, Third Avenue Value Fund letter to shareholders October 31, 2005. p.5-6.

    [edit]References


    [edit]External links


    [edit]Systems

    Although no country has ever had within its border an economy in which all markets were absolutely free, the term typically is not used in an absolute sense. Many states which are said to have a market economy have a high level of market freedom, even if it is less than some parts of the population would prefer. Thus, almost all economies in the world today are mixed economies with varying degrees of free market and planned economy traits. For example, in the United Statesthere are more market economy traits than in the Western European countries (an exception being the UK, which is considered, even by Greenspan, to be a freer market than the US).[6]

    [edit]Capitalism

    Main article: Capitalism
    Capitalism generally refers to an economic system in which the means of production are all or mostly privately owned and operated for profit, and in which investments, distribution, income, and pricing of goods and services are determined through the operation of a market economy. It is usually considered to involve the right of individuals and groups of individuals acting as "legal persons" or corporations to trade capital goods, labor, land and money.
    Capitalism has been dominant in the Western world since the end of feudalism, but most feel that the term "mixed economies" more precisely describes most contemporary economies, due to their containing both private-owned and state-owned enterprises, combining elements of capitalism and socialism, or mixing the characteristics of market economies and planned economies. In capitalism, there is no central planning authority but the prices are decided by the demand-supply scale. For example, higher demand for certain goods and services lead to higher prices and lower demand for certain goods lead to lower prices.

    [edit]Laissez-faire

    Main article: Laissez-faire
    Laissez-faire is synonymous with what was referred to as strict capitalist free market economy during the early and mid-19th century as an ideal to achieve. It is generally understood that the necessary components for the functioning of an idealized free market include the complete absence of government regulation, subsidies, artificial price pressures and government-granted monopolies (usually classified as coercive monopoly by free market advocates) and no taxes or tariffs other than what is necessary for the government to provide protection from coercion and theft and maintaining peace, and property rights.
    Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek stated that economic freedom is a necessary condition for the creation and sustainability of civil andpolitical freedoms. They believed that this economic freedom can only be achieved in a market-oriented economy, specifically a free market economy. They do believe, however, that sufficient economic freedom can be achieved in economies with functioning markets through price mechanisms and private property rights. They believe that the more economic freedom that is available, the more civil and political freedoms a society will enjoy.
    Friedman states:
    • "Economic freedom is simply a requisite for political freedom. By enabling people to cooperate with one another without coercion or central direction it reduces the area over which political power is exercised" Friedman, Milton and Rose Friedman, Free to Choose: A Personal Statement, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1980, p. 2-3
    • "Capitalism is a necessary condition for political freedom" Capitalism and freedom

    Studies by the Canadian libertarian think tank Fraser Institute and the American conservative think tank Heritage Foundation state that there is a relationship between economic freedom and political and civil freedoms to the extent claimed by Friedrich von Hayek. They agree with Hayek that those countries which restrict economic freedom ultimately restrict civil and political freedoms.[7][8]
    Generally market economies are bottom-up in decision-making as consumers convey information to producers through prices paid in market transactions. All states today have some form of control over the market that removes the free and unrestricted direction of resources from consumers and prices such as tariffs and corporate subsidies. Milton Friedman and many other microeconomists believe that these forms of intervention provide incentives for resources to be misused and wasted, producing products society may not value as much as a product that is valued as a result of these restrictions.

    [edit]Social market economy

    Main article: Social market economy
    This model was implemented by Alfred Müller-Armack and Ludwig Erhard after World War II in West Germany. The social market economic model is based upon the idea to realise the benefits of a free market economy, especially on economic performance and high supply of goods, while avoiding disadvantages such as market failure, destructive competition, concentration of economic power and anti-social effects of market processes. The aim of the social market economy is to realize greatest prosperity combined with best possible social security. As a difference to the free market economy the state is not passive, but actively takes regulative measures.[9] The social policy objectives include employment, housing and education policies, as well as a socio-politically motivated balancing of the distribution of income growth. Characteristics of social market economies are a strong competition policy and a contractionary monetary policy. The theoretical fundament is build on ordoliberalism, Catholic social teaching and Democratic Socialism.[10]

    [edit]Market socialism

    Main article: Market socialism
    Market socialism refers to various economic systems in which the state owns the economic institutions and major industries but operates them according to the rules of supply and demand. In a traditional market socialist economy, prices would be determined by a government planning ministry, and enterprises would either be state-owned or cooperatively-owned and managed by their employees. The distinguishing feature between non-market socialism and market socialism is the existence of a market for the means of production, and the criteria of profitability for public enterprises; which can either be used to reinvest in production or finance government and social services directly.
    Libertarian socialists and left-anarchists often promote a form of market socialism in which enterprises are owned and managed cooperatively by the workers so that the profits directly remunerate the employee-owners. These cooperative enterprises would compete with each other in the same way private companies compete in a capitalist market. An example would be Mutualism (economic theory).

    [edit]Socialist market economy

    The People's Republic of China currently has a form of market socialism referred to as the socialist market economy, in which most of the industry is state-owned through a shareholder system, but prices are set by a largely free-price system. Within this model, the state-owned enterprises are free from excessive micromanagement and function more autonomously in a decentralized fashion than in planned economies. A similar socialist-oriented market system has been implemented in Vietnam following the Doi Moi reforms.

    [edit]Criticism

    Robin Hahnel and Michael Albert
    "(...) claim that markets inherently produce class division" {divisions between conceptual and manual laborers, and ultimately managers and workers, and a de facto labor market for conceptual workers}. Albert says that even if everyone started out with abalanced job complex {doing a mix of roles of varying creativity, responsibility and empowerment} in a market economy, class divisions would arise. Without taking the argument that far, it is evident that in a market system with uneven distribution of empowering work, such as Economic Democracy {the model of market socialism David Schweickart has developed and refers to as "economic democracy"}, some workers will be more able than others to capture the benefits of economic gain. For example if one worker designs cars and another builds them, the designer will use his cognitive skills more frequently than the builder. In the long term, the designer will become more adept at conceptual work than the builder, giving the designer greater bargaining power in a firm over the distribution of income. A conceptual worker who is not satisfied with his income can threaten to work for a company that will pay him more (...)".[11] Therefore according to this critique class divisions would arise inevitably.
    *

    This section does not cite any references or sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (May 2011)


    Another practical objection is the claim that markets do not take into account externalities (effects of transactions that affect third parties), such as the negative effects of pollution or the positive effects of education. What exactly constitutes an externality may be up for debate, including the extent to which it changes based upon the political climate. Some proponents of market economies believe that governments should not diminish market freedom because they disagree on what is a market externality and what are government-created externalities, and disagree over what the appropriate level of intervention is necessary to solve market-created externalities. Others believe that government should intervene to prevent market failure while preserving the general character of a market economy. In the model of a social market economy the state intervenes where the market does not meet political demands. John Rawls was a prominent proponent of this idea.

    [edit]See also


    [edit]References

    1. ^ Altvater, E. (1993). The Future of the Market: An Essay on the Regulation of Money and Nature After the Collapse of "Actually Existing Socialism. Verso. pp. 57.
    2. ^ Altvater, E. (1993). The Future of the Market: An Essay on the Regulation of Money and Nature After the Collapse of "Actually Existing Socialism. Verso. pp. 237–238.
    3. ^ Tucker, Irvin B. p 491. Macroeconomics for Today. West Publishing. p. 491
    4. ^ "market economy", Merriam-Webster Unabridged Dictionary
    5. ^ "What is capitalism?". World Socialist Movement.
    6. ^ McKinney, Michael L. Environmental Science: Systems and Solutions. Jones and Bartlett Publishers. 2003. p. 481
    7. ^ Heritage Foundation study
    8. ^ Economic Freedom of the World Report by the Frasier Institute
    9. ^ keyword "social market economy" = "Soziale Marktwirtschaft" Duden Wirtschaft von A bis Z. Grundlagenwissen für Schule und Studium, Beruf und Alltag. 2. Aufl. Mannheim: Bibliographisches Institut & F.A. Brockhaus 2004. Lizenzausgabe Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung 2004.
    10. ^ Gabler Wirtschaftslexikon: Eintrag: keyword "social market economy" = Soziale Marktwirtschaft
    11. ^ Weiss, Adam (2005-05-04). "A Comparison of Economic Democracy and Participatory Economics". ZMag. Retrieved 2008-06-26.

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    Categories: Capitalism | Economic systems | Economic ideologies | Economic liberalism | Economies

    Free Market Economy

    The term free market economy primarily means a system where the buyers and sellers are solely responsible for the choices they make. In a way, free market gives the absolute power to prices to determine the allocation and distribution of goods and services. These prices, in turn, are fixed by the forces of supply and demand of a respective commodity. In cases of demand falling short of the supply of a respective commodity, the price will fall as opposed to a price rise when the supply is inadequate to meet the growing demand of a good or service. Free market economy is also characterized by free trade without any tariffs or subsidies imposed by the government.

    The role of the government of a nation is only limited to controlling the law and order of a country and to ensure that a 'fair price' is charged by the sellers. That is to say, the government, having no role in administering the price of a commodity, has to see that the prices taken by the sellers is true and commensurate with the price determined by the forces of demand and supply.

    The basic feature of the free market economy is that only people with sufficient control over resources, and wealth, in particular have the privilege to purchase goods and services, often priced very highly in a free economy. Prices, which are the only allocating and distributing factor in a free market economy, place the poor in an unenviable situation who are gradually thrown out of the system without any access to wealth and the basic needs of subsistence.

    Thus it deems absolutely imperative that a country like India and a few Latin American countries like Brazil, Peru and Nicaragua having a large number of poor have a public distribution system in place with subsidized prices being fixed by the government to protect the poor. Free market economy is considered to the most efficient or optimum device to allocate a country's resources, with wealth or income being the only yardstick.Free market economy is often associated with a Capitalistic Economy with means of production being privately owned.

    On the other hand, totalitarian economies or Socialistic Economies like the erstwhile USSR, China and North Korea, till date, have an altogether government regulated system. The prices of goods and services are totally administered by the government right from the support price fixed at which the government procures raw agricultural products from the farmers.

    Socialistic countries, such as parts of the erstwhile Soviet Republic like Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania are gradually coming out of the Communist shadow and moving towards a free market economy. Capitalistic Economies have the biggest advantage of giving people what they deserve rather than putting everybody in the same plane.

    Success of countries practicing free market is only evident with the growth of the USA, the Scandinavian countries, Germany and France as major world powers. Countries such as India and China, by allowing liberalization of its trade to some extent and practicing free market principles brought about more efficiency among its domestic producers and increased its growth rate markedly.

    Free market existing with the doctrines of Socialism like limited regulation of prices by the government to protect the poor can be an ideal situation for developing countries like India, China and South East Asian countries to attain growth and prosperity.

    http://www.economywatch.com/market-economy/free-market-economy.htm

    SOUTH ASIAN HISTORY
    Pages from the history of India and the sub-continent


    History of Social Relations in India
    Caste and gender equations in Indian history
    No aspect of Indian history has excited more controversy than India's history of social relations. Western indologists and Western-influenced Indian intellectuals have seized upon caste divisions, untouchability, religious obscurantism, and practices of dowry and sati as distinctive evidence of India's perennial backwardness. For many Indologists, these social ills have literally come to define India - and have become almost the exclusive focus of their writings on India.
    During the colonial period, it served the interests of the British (and their European cohorts) to exaggerate the democratic character of their own societies while diminishing any socially redeeming features of society in India (and other colonized nations). Social divisions and inequities were a convenient tool in the arsenal of the colonizers. On the one hand, tremendous tactical gains could be achieved by playing off one community against the other. On the other hand, there were also enormous psychological benefits in creating the impression that India was a land rife with uniquely abhorrent social practices that only an enlightened foreigner could attempt to reform. India's social ills were discussed with a contemptuous cynicism and often with a willful intent to instill a sense of deep shame and inferiority.
    Strong elements of such colonial imagery continue to dominate the landscape of Western Indology. A liberal, dynamic West embracing universal human values is posed against an obdurate and unchanging East clinging to odious social values and customs.
    It is little wonder, therefore, that India's intellectuals have been unable to either fully understand the historic dynamics and context which gave life to these social practices or find effective solutions for their cure. Many historians and social activists appear to have tacitly accepted the notion that caste divisions in society are a uniquely Indian feature and that Indian society has been largely unchanged since the writing of the Manusmriti which provides formal sanction to such social inequities.
    But caste-like divisions are neither uniquely Indian nor has Indian society been as socially stagnant as commonly believed. In all non-egalitarian societies where wealth and political power were unequally distributed, some form of social inequity appeared and often meant hereditary privileges for the elite and legally (or socially) sanctioned discrimination against those considered lower down in the social hierarchy.
    In fact, caste-like divisions are to be found in the history of most nations - whether in the American continent, or in Africa, Europe or elsewhere in Asia. In some societies, caste-like divisions were relatively simple, in others more complex. For instance, in Eastern Africa some agricultural societies were divided between land-owning and landless tribes (or clans) that eventually took on caste-like characteristics. Priests and warriors enjoyed special privileges in the 15th C. Aztec society of Mexico as did the Samurais (warrior nobles) and priests of medieval Japan. Notions of purity and defilement were also quite similar in Japanese society and members of society who carried out "unclean" tasks were treated as social outcasts - just as in India.
    Amongst the most stratified of the ancient civilizations was the Roman Civilization where in addition to state-sanctioned slavery, there were all manner of caste-like inequities coded into law. Even in the Christian era, European feudalism provided all manner of hereditary privileges for the knights and landed barons (somewhat akin to India's Rajputs and Thakurs) and amongst the royalty, arranged marriages and dowry were just as common as in India. Discrimination against the artisans was also commonplace throughout Europe, and as late as the 19th century - artisans in Germany had to go through a separate court system to seek legal redress. They were not permitted to appeal to courts that dealt with the affairs of the nobility and the landed gentry. (For instance, Beethoven wrote numerous letters to German judicial authorities pleading that he not be treated as a second-class citizen - that as Germany's pre-eminent composer he deserved better treatment.)
    A common pattern that seems to emerge from a study of several such ancient and medieval societies is that priests and warriors typically formed an elite class in most medieval societies and social privileges varied according to social rank; in settled agriculture based societies, this was usually closely related to ownership of land.
    For instance, we find no evidence of caste-like discrimination in societies where land was collectively owned and jointly cultivated, or where goods and services were exchanged within the village on the basis of barter, and there was no premium assigned to any particular type of work. All services and all forms of human labor were valued equally. Such village communes may have once existed throughout India and some appear to have survived until quite recently - especially in the hills, (such as in parts of Himachal and the North East, including Assam and Tripura), but also in Orissa and parts of Central India. In such societies, we also see little evidence of gender discrimination.
    In India, caste and gender discrimination appear to become more pronounced with the advent of hereditary and authoritarian ruling dynasties, a powerful state bureaucracy, the growth of selective property rights, and the domination of Brahmins over the rural poor in agrahara villages. But this process was neither linear nor always irreversible. As old ruling dynasties were overthrown, previously existing caste equations and caste hierarchies were also challenged and modified.
    In many parts of India this process may have taken several centuries to crystallize and caste rigidity may be a much more recent phenomenon than has been commonly portrayed. The impression that caste divisions were always strictly enforced, or that there were no challenges to caste rigidity does not seem to square with a dispassionate examination of the Indian historical record.
    It should also be emphasized that caste-distinctions were not the only way, or even the most egregious way in which social inequities manifested themselves in older societies. In ancient Greece and Rome, the institution of slavery was at least as cruel a practice, if not worse. (It is therefore quite ironic how the slave-owning Greek states are revered by Western intellectuals as the world's first "democratic" societies but ancient India is denigrated for it's incomprehensible social ills.)
    Levels and degree of caste discrimination in India have varied with time and there has been both upward and downward mobility of castes and social groups. Going by the strictures outlined in the Manusmriti, one might conclude that caste distinctions were set in stone, rigidly enforced and the possibilities of caste mobility completely circumscribed. But a closer examination of the historical record suggests otherwise.
    Already in the Upanishadic period there were tensions between Brahmins and Kshatriyas, and there are explicit parables in the Upanishadic texts illustrating how an enlightened Kshatriya was able to exceed a Brahmin in spiritual wisdom and philosophical knowledge. In the Mahabharatha, there are references to a Brahmin warrior suggesting that caste categories were not entirely inflexible.
    There is also criticism of parasitism amongst Brahmins in some of the texts from the Upanishadic period, and social commentators emphasized how those who reneged on their social obligations were undeserving of their caste privileges.
    This is an important point because it suggests that there was an implied social contract that involved both privileges and social obligations. The monarch might have enjoyed immense power and prestige, and exacted numerous rights over the common people, but also had the obligation to defend the people - to protect them from invaders, to dispense justice in an unprejudiced manner and assist in the development and preservation of irrigation facilities and roads. Failure to meet such expectations could and did lead to revolts, and dynasties rose and fell within a matter of few generations.
    Challenges to Brahminical hegemony and caste-rigidity
    In the Upanishads, there is also recognition that conceptions of god could be quite varied, that Brahminical rituals were not essential to spiritual release, and that individuals might choose different deities or methods of worship. This ecumenical outlook facilitated the growth of alternative viewpoints not only in the realm of religious practice but also on norms of how society ought to be structured.
    Social challenges to absolute monarchical rule and the immense power of the priestly class probably led to a crescendo during the Buddhist period when Brahmin hegemony received challenges from several quarters - from radical atheists such as the Lokayatas, from Jain agnostics, and heterodox Hindus and Buddhists who wanted to reconstruct society on a less discriminatory and more humane basis.
    Although it would be wrong to romanticize the Buddhists as being completely against caste distinctions {since there is evidence that they accepted caste distinctions in society outside their sanghas (communes)}, Buddhists along with other social critics undoubtedly played a powerful role in ensuring that caste was not the sole or even the dominant factor in shaping Indian society of that period. This is borne out by how so many ruling clans arose from a non-Kshatriya (and also non-Brahmin) background. The Nandas, the Mauryas, the Kalingas and the Guptas are just some of the more illustrious of India's ruling dynasties that did not arise from a Kshatriya background.
    (Of course, once some of these clans established themselves as ruling dynasties, they took on the Kshatriya mantle, and over time, the radical changes that accompanied their ascent to power gave way to social conservatism and a decaying of the radical currents that had contributed to their rise to power).
    It is also worth noting that the classical four varna division of Hindu society (as described in the Manusmriti) does not appear to have had much practical significance if one were to go by the accounts of the Greek chronicler, Megasthenes. In his accounts of Mauryan India. Megasthenes appears to list a seven fold social order in which he differentiates between the priest and the philosopher (who he ranked much above the priest, and who could have been a Brahmin, Jain or Buddhist) and also gives special attention to court bureaucrats such as record keepers, tax collectors and judicial officials. He also ascribed to the peasantry a higher status than might be inferred from the Manusmriti and noted with amazement how the peasantry was left unharmed during battles.
    According to Megasthenes, philosophers - whether Brahmins or Jain/Buddhist monks also had obligations in terms of offering advice to the ruler in matters of public policy, agriculture, health and culture. Repeated failure to provide sound counsel could lead to a loss of privileges - even exile or death. Thus, although many Brahmins may have held on to their privileges by being shameless sycophants - others made significant contributions in the realm of science, philosophy and culture. Social mobility was possible since learning was not an exclusive preserve of the Brahmins and both the Buddhist and Jain sanghas admitted people from different social backgrounds and also admitted women. (Jyotsna Kamat points to a Karnataka inscription from 1187 A.D. that suggests that Jain nuns enjoyed the same amount of freedom as their male counterparts.) The more advanced sanghas enforced a separate quorum for women to ensure that a largely male gathering may not take decisions that did not meet with the approval of the women members of the sangha.
    Over time, it appears that the sanghas degenerated, losing their intellectual vitality and egalitarian spirit allowing the Brahmins to gradually consolidate their power and influence in the Gangetic plain. But even as late as the 6th-7th C, Gupta-period inscriptions describing land grants in Bengal appear to corroborate Megasthenes' view of how Indian society was structured. Social rank of senior court administrators (who may have risen from different caste backgrounds) invariably exceeded the rank of ordinary village priests.
    (In Orissa, Rajasthan and parts of Central and Southern India, this pattern prevailed till even later. Moreover, as society headed towards caste-ossification, it was the court administrators who after acquiring hereditary caste status, became the most privileged agents in society. In some instances, these administrative castes simply merged with other privileged castes such as Brahmin or Kshatriya, or else they were treated as equivalent, and the historic distinctions between then became blurred or obscured.)
    In a sampling of Gupta period land grant decrees, it is intriguing that caste identities are omitted more often than explicitly included. Had caste been as important or dominant a social category, one might expect otherwise. Some of the most important figures appear to be officials involved in tax collection and land measurement. Various ranks of officials are mentioned without any explicit mention of their caste. Villagers are also frequently named without reference to their cast. Only occasionally, there are references to villagers who are also mentioned as being Brahmins. Some of the land grant records indicate that before land grants were made, certain categories of villagers - perhaps those considered more important - were consulted by the higher officials. Although Brahmins are mentioned in the list of those consulted, there are equal references to other categories of villagers such as kutumbins and mahattaras who may have been village officials or important landholders in the village. {Vishwa Mohan Jha (see ref. below) describes the kutumbins and mahattaras as varna/jati nuetral categories (i.e. caste-independent categories) that included Brahmins and non-Brahmins alike.}
    Other references point to consultative committees that included the chief artisan, the chief scribe, the merchant and the guild-president of the town. It also appears that administrative changes led to the creation of new posts, the merger or elimination of older posts, and changes in ranks of various officials over time. An examination of the land grant decrees over a space of three centuries (5th-7th C Bengal) points to such changes and others - such as changes in procedures, or changes in the constitution of consultative committees, perhaps to reflect changing political alliances or changes in the economic status of different groups of townspeople and villagers.
    In a land allotment plate from Paschimbagh (Bengal) Brahmins are mentioned as tax payers, and the status of ordinary Brahmins does not seem at all exceptional. For instance, it points to a teacher or a Vedic scholar as being entitled to 10 patakas of land, but other Brahmins were entitled to only 2 patakas - a share less than that of a Kayastha (record-keeper) or Vaidya(medical practitioner). Carpenters, smiths and artisans were also put far above other service communities in terms of their share of land.
    The Paschimbagh inscription also describes the grant of plots of land to florists, potters, carpenters, masons, blacksmiths and sweepers for serving a matha (monastery) indicating that when land was granted for a temple or monastery, priests were not the exclusive beneficiaries of land grants. (Two Bhaumakara charters from Talcher/Dhenkanal in Orissa similiarly refer to donations of land for a Buddhist temple, and allocations for its maintenance.)
    A study of land grants from 12th C Rajasthan (Pali) and Karnataka (Kalikatti) suggests that land grants had a limited life tenure even when initially decreed to be for life or for perpetuity. Beneficiaries of land grants were subject to transfers, and grants to a particular beneficiary were transferred to another beneficiary five or ten years later. It also appears that the beneficiaries were selected based on administrative rank rather than any particular caste-affiliation.
    It is also not at all apparent that administrative rank was limited by birth. In Orissa, there is explicit evidence to the contrary. Ordinary peasants were able to rise up in the ranks of the military, and it is likely that a similar situation prevailed in the administrative ranks. Mayadhar Mansinha (see ref. below) suggests that a combination of factors such as training, merit and personal determination played a role, (in addition to social standing and political connections) in determining rank and promotions. In Karnataka, there is evidence that some of the chief administrators were women. (See Jyotsna Kamat, ref. provided below)
    Brahminical Ascendance
    Nevertheless, the seeds for a more privileged role for the Brahmins were also being sown through the process of land grants to Brahmins. In some instances, thousands of Brahmins were granted rights to hitherto uncultivated land. In other cases, Brahmins were appointed as the local representatives of the state authorities in what are described as agrahara villages where Brahmins presided over small peasants, who in Bihar were mostly landless sharecoppers or bonded labourers. These agrahara villages were typically small villages and sattelites of bigger villages that included members of several castes and bigger land-holders. In Bihar, such agrahara villages proliferated and it is quite likely that in such agraharas oppressive social relations and some of the most egregious patterns of caste-centred discrimination and exploitation may have developed.
    (While early Gupta period records indicate the existence of rural consultative councils that mediated between the rulers and the artisans and peasants, it seems that such consultative councils became less important or were phased out with the growth of the agraharas. Thereafter, the Brahmins became the sole intermediaries between the village and the state, and over time, this may have enabled the Brahmins to exercise social and political hegemony over other inhabitants of the village.It also appears that the greatest incidence of the practice of untouchability occurs in conjunction with the growth in the power and authority of the Brahmins in such villages.)
    But these developments took time to spread elsewhere in India, first spreading to Bengal and eastern UP, and very gradually elsewhere in India. However, this pattern was not necessarily replicated in identical form throughout India and some parts of India virtually escaped this trend. In agrahara villages in other parts of India, Brahmins did take on the role of local administrators and tax collectors, but the status of the small peasantry was not always as miserable as in Bihar. The degree of exploitation and oppression appears to be related to the extent of alienation from land-ownership.
    For example, evidence for Brahmin domination in Kalikatti, Southern Karnataka emerges after the 13th C. when villagers were instructed to pay taxes to the Brahmin assignees, leading to constant tensions and disputes, but without dramatic changes in the overall status of the tax-paying villagers.
    Although Brahminization was an important factor in leading to caste ossification, it was not necessarily the sole or even the most important factor in the mix. The impact of the Islamic invasions, colonization by the British and ecological changes played an equally crucial if not decisive role in many instances.
    For instance, in Orissa, the ossification of the bureaucracy and its conversion into a group of privileged and exclusive castes appears to take place after the 14th-15th C. when we begin to see a general decline in its overseas trade due to the silting up of its rivers. At the same time, we see the growth of Brahminical hegemony in the realm of religion and military defeats at the hands of the Mughal armies led by Raja Man Singh of Jaipur. All these factors may have played a role in destroying the vibrancy of Oriya society and encouraging caste conservatism.
    (See the essay on the History of Orissa for more on this subject.)
    Impact of the Islamic Invasions
    Unfortunately, many social historians have studiously ignored the effect of such external factors in the shaping of social relations in India. But we know that the Islamic invasions led to monumental changes in the political and cultural life of the sub-continent and especially so in the Gangetic plain - so it would be exceedingly odd if the invasions had no impact on the social structure of Indian society. While some social analysts have tried to analyze Hindu society during the period of Islamic rule as though it had been untouched by the Islamic invasions and left to stagnate in a cocoon of its own making, others have succumbed to illusory simplifications such as Islam was an egalitarian faith whereas Hinduism had caste divisions.
    Because Islam first arose in those parts of the world where settled agriculture was not possible - i.e. in the desert sands of the Arabian peninsula - social divisions had not yet emerged in quite the same way that they had in long settled agricultural societies like India. For the warring nomadic tribes of the desert, Islam may have been a tool for the upward mobility of clans that may have  earlier survived on petty thievery and by raiding the wealth of settled urban societies (and later for those who joined the ranks of the military in the Islalmic states), the upward mobility of some came at the expense of enormous human rights violations against others. In the hands of expansionist conquerors, Islam became more an instrument of devastation and terror rather than a vehicle for social equality or social justice.
    Taken in its entirety, the period of Islamic rule in India cannot be seen as furthering social equity or social harmony in the subcontinent. As a faith-based ideological system Islam could at best guarantee equality before "God" - i.e. equality after death. However, a closer study of the Quran dispels even such notions, for even amongst believers, there is gender discrimination and rank based on the "quality" and "type" of service provided to the Islamic cause. In any case,  on earth, the plight of Muslim converts depended more on social realities, on political equations - than on the abstract and remote promise of equality offered by Islam.
    During times of heavy political and economic oppression, the only option for the poor was complete and total submission to the will of "God" which in effect meant sacrificing all their autonomy in favor of the clergy, (who rarely challenged political authority), and more often than not, were largely beholden to the rulers who chose to support and promote them. When the clergy did resist political authority, it often tended towards social conservatism and reaction rather than social progress.
    By and large, social inequities widened with the onset of Islamic rule in the sub-continent. Land revenue records clearly indicate that with few exceptions (as in Kashmir and Bengal for a time), Islamic rulers taxed the peasantry at significantly higher rates. If the average rate of taxation during the pre-Islamic period varied between 10% to a maximum of 20% - averaging around 15-16%, it had increased to 33% or even more under the Mughals. (Note that even the Manusmriti limited the tax rate on the peasantry to one-sixth - about 16%)
    While all Islamic rulers may not have insisted on the discriminating jaziya, many of the earlier invaders insisted upon it, and more than one court chronicler of the Delhi Sultanate describes the violent means taken to suppress peasant rebellions and extract the high taxes from the crushed peasantry. Urban revolts were also not uncommon and the Arab chronicler Ibn Batuta mentions how such rebellions were suppressed with great cruelty. Punishment for those who rebelled could mean loss of adults (particularly young women) and children to slavery, massacres or forced evacuations of entire villages and small towns, pillage and destruction of places of learning, of temples and other symbols of cultural identification, and denial of job opportunities in the courts. In the early centuries of Islamic rule, the distrust of the locals was so intense that virtually all the important administrative positions were kept in the hands of foreigners.
    (Romila Thapar has pointed out that prior to the Islamic invasions, Hindu rulers also invaded or pillaged the temples of their rivals, especially since these temples were repositories of great wealth. She has also indicated that the management of some of these rich temples was extremely corrupt. Plunder of temple wealth was definitely a factor in the destruction of such temples during raids and attacks by Islamic invaders and conquerors. However, during the Islamic invasions, this practice accelerated both in frequency and intensity.
    It should also be noted that not all temples were storehouses of great wealth or under the management of corrupt Brahminical trusts. The majority of temples had considerable cultural significance for the local populations and many were built and maintained by non-Brahminical cults. For instance, in Bundelkhand, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Orissa, there are a sizable number of surviving temples that not only escaped the path of the Islamic invaders, but were obviously left untouched in local battles between rival Hindu kings. There are even scattered remains from the Gupta period. But in the Gangetic plain, virtually nothing from the region's pre-Islamic past has survived. Clearly, there were important political dimensions to the destruction of Northern India's cultural wealth. One might speculate that the political subjugation of a reluctant and possibly even hostile population required the physical elimination of cultural symbols that instilled pride and self-confidence, and thus threatened the authority of the alien rulers.
    In any case, the smashing of facial features, genitalia and breasts on sculpted figures has no parallel to earlier practices. There is also little evidence that those defeated in battle were killed or enslaved on the scale of what happened during the Islamic invasions.)
    For instance, the Afghanistan region (which once had a sizeable Hindu and Buddhist population) acquired the reputation of being a land where Hindus were slaughtered and hence took the name Hindu-Kush, and references to wanton destruction occur with boastful regularity in the records of the triumphant conquerors. However, in the Gangetic plain the Hindu population was essential in maintaining the tax base for the rulers and therefore, it was only necessary to break the autonomy of the Hindu population and crush their resistance to higher taxation. This was largely achieved through the almost complete destruction of older centres of culture and learning, burning of libraries such as in Nalanda and Vikramshila, the widespread conversion of Buddhists to Islam, and violent acts of reprisal against those who resisted.
    One of the most deleterious effects of the Islamic invasions on social relations in India was the practice of slavery, which was introduced on a scale hitherto unseen in the subcontinent. Unlike the societies of the East, slavery appears to have played an important role almost throughout the history of the Western world and the Quran has passages that endorse the practice of slavery. During the Islamic period, in sub-Saharan Africa, slaves labored in the salt mines and copper mines and served as a vital link in the trans-Saharan trade routes acting as porters where camels and donkeys could not go.
    Scott Levi (Univ. of Wisconsin) points to judicial documents of medieval Samarqand (and other Central Asian sources) that disclose the presence there of many thousands of Indian slaves throughout the medieval period. A number of Indian sources make it clear that, from the early Ghaznavid raids to the Mughal period, hundreds of thousands (if not millions over the centuries) of men, women and children were marched over to the slave markets in Iran and Central Asia, i.e. beyond the northwest frontier of India, and out of the reach of their familial support systems.
    (Although state sanctioned slavery came to an end with the dawn of the Christian era in Europe, a slave-owning replica of ancient Rome arose in the American South, and slaves were employed throughout the Caribbean and South America. The Portuguese were notorious for their slave-markets in India. Even as slavery was banned in Europe, the European trading companies made huge profits from the slave trade. Slavery was not a practice confined to the Islamic parts of the world.)
    The practice of slavery probably led to the growth in the custom of Jauhar and Sati amongst the military castes. Prior to the Islamic invasions, there are very few records to indicate that such practices were widely followed. But the onslaught of the Islamic invaders had led to a complete breakdown in the implementation of war ethics. Whereas in earlier wars, it was required of both sides to protect the peasantry, to leave women, children and the elderly at peace, and there were injunctions against the enslavement of prisoners or of harming those who surrendered in battle - the invaders had few if any compunctions in unleashing all manner of torments on the defeated population. In such an environment, it is not surprising that for the proud Rajput societies, the act of jauhar, or mass suicide was a more honorable option.
    (It should be noted that such acts of mass or individual suicide are not unknown elsewhere in the world. Sometimes these acts were voluntary (as was usually emphasized in the Indian tradition), at other times they were entirely coerced. Amongst the Vikings, it was customary for a warrior's young concubines to join the funeral pyres of dead Viking warriors. In ancient Nubia (upper Sudan and lower Egypt) there are records of mass suicide upon the death of a warrior king and Nubian burials of warriors indicate practices quite similiar to Jauhar / Sati . There are also parallels in the Japanese tradition of Harakiri'(suicide for honour) or Sepukku amongst the Samurai - warrior nobles of Japan. Voluntary suicide of widows (although rare) also took place in China during the reign of the Qing dynasty. There are also records of the Celts and the Romans practicing human sacrifice. Amongst the Aztecs of the 15th C, the custom of human sacrifice of the defeated does not appear to have any voluntary character, and was seen as a legitimate rite in the celebration of a victory in war.
    Western feminist indologists who see the practice of Sati as a unique form of gender oppression peculiar to India might note that in the Christian world, the scourge of witch-burning was a far more dangerous threat to the lives of women. The mere charge of being a "witch" could lead to public hanging, and the Salem-witch trials in America were part of a long chain of witch-burnings that took place throughout Christian Europe and carried over into New England)
    Nevertheless, Islamic rule in India did not prevail entirely without benefits for specific social classes who chose to collaborate with the invaders.
    Trading communities probably benefited from the installation of Islamic rulers whose policies of lower taxes on trade, and state support of local traders and financiers was in their interest. Scott Levi suggests that from the end of the thirteenth century, and throughout much of the Delhi Sultanate period, the Muslim nobility were dependent upon heavily capitalized indigenous banking firms (identified in the Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi as 'Sahs' and 'Multanis'). These domestic financiers loaned seeds and other necessary inputs to peasants and village-artisans and manufacturers (such as textile weavers) in return for a share of the produce. The rest they bought in cash, and a part of that cash was then recovered by the state treasuries through taxation.
    It should also be noted that, (by and large), Islamic rulers born and raised in India relied less on violence and sheer terror, but sought alliances with sections of the local population, especially with those amongst the Hindu elite who were willing to collaborate. Although some of these alliances were coerced, others led to tangible material benefits for the royal collaborators.
    Alliances were forged through marriage, or simply from political convenience. Military alliances with Hindu rulers were crucial in maintaining the power of many Islamic rulers. After Akbar, the Mughals relied heavily on the Jaipur and Bikaner Rajputs, who in return were given rights to a share of the taxes extracted from the Gangetic plain. And although Hindus were numerically discriminated in jobs at the courts, by skillfully playing off different caste communities against one another, the Mughals were able to win over a section of the Hindus in maintaining their position of political preeminence.
    Hence, it would be wrong to see the many centuries of Islamic rule in India purely from the prism of religious antagonisms. But it would be equally wrong to see the long period of rule by Islamic-identified rulers (even those that were born in India) as entirely benevolent or benign, or no different from the rule of earlier Hindu kings. Since most were heavier taxers, the distance between the ruling elites and the peasant and artisan masses tended to widen and there were other aspects of Islamic rule (particularly during the rule of the more oppressive Sultanates) that limited social mobility.
    For many of the Islamic rulers, the Brahmin dominated agraharas were highly suited to efficient tax collection and the might of the Sultanates came down very heavily on social challenges that weakened the ability of the state to collect taxes. The fear of enslavement and the denial of equal access to job opportunities in the Sultanate courts led to Hindu society becoming extremely inward-looking in large parts of the plains. With opportunities for jobs in the administrative ranks shrinking, caste loyalties were in all likelihood strengthened, not weakened. Thus, rather than shake up the caste system as some might expect, Islamic rule (by foreign invaders who distrusted the locals) may have actually helped in its crystallization. Neither is there any evidence that Islamic rule helped end the practice of untouchability.
    (In fact, the problems of untouchability and caste-discrimination are especially notable in states like UP and Bihar where Islamic rule held complete sway for five centuries. In Sindh and Western Punjab, where almost the entire population was converted to Islam, it is important to observe that janitorial workers were never converted, and to this date remain a highly oppressed and discriminated group. There is also evidence that Muslims developed their own versions of caste. Romila Thapar points out how foreign-origin Muslims such as Syeds, Sheiks and Ashrafs kept themselves consciously apart from Muslims who came from artisan and peasant backgrounds. Language was another divider. In Bijapur district, the elite Muslims spoke Urdu whereas the ordinary Muslims spoke Kannada. Zarina Bhatty in an essay on "Social stratification among Muslims" describes caste differentiation amongst Ashraf and non-Ashraf Muslims and notions of impurity that closely parallel caste cleavages and attitudes in Hindu society. Sandra Mackey in the Caste/Class System in Iran describes patterns of social differentiation remarkably similiar to India's. Also see note below)
    Over time, Islamic rule in India created a much stronger and more unified elite, which made it more difficult for the ordinary masses to resist regressive social changes, particularly in the realm of philosophical choice, religious pluralism, regional and local autonomy in matters of religion, gender equity, freedom of sexual expression and sexual orientation. For instance, prior to the arrival of Islam, women enjoyed greater freedom of movement and dress. 11th C chronicler of Indian life, Al-Biruni expresses puzzlement at how the Hindu men (of Punjab) took the advice of the women "in all consultations and emergencies". But in a matter of few centuries, Islamic notions of gender separation and sexual prudery had infected Hindu households as well. A weaker version of the Purdah system and a more conservative dress code became the custom even in Hindu homes, especially so amongst those of the trading community that had frequent contacts with Muslims.
    Although in sime passages, the Quran states that their ought to be no compulsion in matters of religion, in other passages, the Quran leaves no doubt that force and coercion are acceptable in furthering Islamic practice. Consequently, the practice of Islam conformed more to the passages advicating force and coercion. In Mali, the Tunisian chronicler Ibn Batuta noted that children who were neglectful in learning the Quran were put in chains until they had it memorized. Regarding India, he commented how newly converted peasants had a very lackadaisical attitude towards attending regular prayers and how the Imams had to cane non-attendees to force attendance. He also describes how he personally led a battle against the reluctance of women to cover their breasts in the Maldives.
    In the Indian tradition, moral codes concerning dress were more in keeping with the natural environment. Clothes were light and simple, consistent with the generally hot climate. And in matters of religion, there was greater diversity, and much more personal choice. It was often up to the devotee to visit a temple at a time of his or her choosing. Which deity to worship involved an element of local choice and different jatis might worship different deities. Local versions of the epics such as the Ramayana and the Krishna-Leela were popularized and recent research points to hundreds of different versions in circulation. Unlike in Islam, pilgrimages were undertaken under less pressure and with greater individual volition. Al-Biruni also noted how the Hindus were remarkably flexible and willing to change customs and traditions they no longer felt to be relevant or essential.
    (Although notions of Dharma played an important role in determining the boundaries for social conduct, these varied with time and were also adapted to suit the individual needs and preferences of different regions and localities.)
    Pluralism in Indian History
    In religions that paid tremendous stress on "revealed truth" (such as Christianity or Islam) there have always been strong tendencies towards dogmatic rigidity. But even at the peak of their influence, India's Brahmins were never quite able to impose any comparable sort of rigid uniformity in the practice of Hinduism on a national (let alone, international) scale. In some localities, the lower castes did without the Brahmins entirely while elsewhere, especially in the South, or in Central India and Orissa - Brahmins often felt obliged to give due deference to dissenting and heterodox cults, and incorporated their belief systems into mainstream Hinduism.
    T.K Venkatasubramaniam (see ref. below) describes how in Tamil Nadu, Brahmins begin to play an important role in politics and society only after the 7th C., when the Pallavas began to challenge the authority of the previous ruling clans such as the Chera, Chola and Pandya. Because the Pallavas did not rise from an aristocratic background, they used the Brahmins to validate their right to rule through a combination of persuasion and coercion.
    At that time, Tamil Nadu was a hotbed of a variety of non-Brahminical traditions, (such as Buddhist, Jain and many others) - hence, a synthesis of these different traditions took place between the 7th and the 11th centuries. Vajrayana Buddhism, Shaivite Tantrism and Hata-Yoga were amongst the trends that became integrated. The Bhakti tradition in which the devotee is held in a higher status than the Brahmin had it's impact as did the ideals of the Siddhis whose supreme ideal was freedom, perfect health and immortality - all to be gained on this earth through magic and yoga. The Kalamukas, Pasupatas and Kapalikas were popular practitioners of Yogic and Tantric cults - the latter helped assimilate the ecstatic tribal cults of earlier times. This was also the period when the androgyne forms of the Hindu gods (the Ardhanarishwara) became popularized.
    The existence of these numerous cults was partly an expression of the struggle for social equality and freedom from exploitation, but for some, it was also a means for accessing greater social privileges . The Brahmins of Tamil Nadu (along with the rulers) attempted to manage these social tensions through co-option, philosophical accommodation and synthesis.
    In Andhra, folk religions played a powerful role in mediating Brahminical influences, and a vibrant example of the deep penetration of folk influences in popular religion is to be seen in the sculpted array of folkloric panels in the temple of Srisailam (sponsored by the Vijayanagar rulers in the 14th-15th C.). In neighbouring Karnataka, the Bhakti ideal and Jain influences put their stamp on prevailing religious practices.
    Religion in India thus developed in a much more organic fashion than is commonly realized, and it was never completely divorced from popular inputs. Both male and female deities drew followers, and while goddesses were sometimes displayed in demonic warrior roles, gods were sometimes displayed with feminine qualities. In the Yogini temples, all the deities were women and although today, there are only a handful of surviving Yogini temples, (mostly in Orissa and Madhya Pradesh) it is not unlikely that many more may have been in existence.
    (See the essay on the History of Orissa for more on Yogini traditions.)
    In the 8th-10th C Pratihara era temples, men and women were sculpted in identical heights and proportions - perhaps implying that male domination had not yet fully come to pass. Tantric ideas on sexual liberation found their way into the grand temples not only of Khajuraho and Konarak but also in temples in Rajasthan, the Jabalpur and Raipur regions, in Telengana and elsewhere in the South. Unlike Islam where entry into mosques was curtailed for women, and separate zenana areas were constructed, restraints on the entry of women in temples were not commonplace. Contrary to the suppression of female sexuality in the Semitic religious streams, temple architecture from the 11th-13th C appears to revel in the eroticism of both genders - and there are even displays of same-gender interaction.
    In this relatively liberal atmosphere, philosophy continued to flourish and while some tendencies drifted towards religious idealism, others emphasized the rational and worldly. The slow but steady record of scientific progress up to the 12th-13th C points to the toleration that atheist, agnostic and rational currents may have enjoyed in Indian society in contrast to the violence meted out towards "heretics" and disbelievers in medieval Europe and the Middle East. Religion in India developed in a relatively secular atmosphere where all manner of religious variations coexisted with the abstract and all-inclusive monotheism articulated in the Upanishads and later emulated in the various Bhakti streams of worship.
    At the grassroots level, these relatively more liberal tendencies had their impact on the practice of Islam as well. Sufism, the worship of pirs (saints), the practice of the Urs were attempts at forging some sort of a compromise.
    (Romila Thapar points to peasant and artisan Muslims of Bijapur who continued to celebrate Hindu festivals. To this day, Muslim peasants of Northern Karnataka celebrate Islamic festivals with folk dances that have Hindu origins - quite unlike the orthodox practice of these festivals where singing and dancing might be frowned upon. Such hybrid Muslim communities exist elsewhere in India too.)
    But in the Madrasahs, (with few exceptions) conservatism and orthodoxy were the norm; attempts at providing a secular education never really took off, and over time this had a distinctly illiberal effect on how social relations matured in the sub-continent.
    The Sikh Renaissance
    Just prior to British rule, Mughal rule had virtually collapsed and power had gone into the hands of Sikh rulers in the North and the Maratha kings in much of Central and Southern India. The Sikhs had been at the forefront of powerful social reforms as they fought against the intolerable burden of high taxes imposed by the Mughals. Gender equality received particular attention from the early Sikh Gurus as did caste discrimination. During the time of Guru Gobind Singh - women not only participated as warriors but they also led some of the battles, and 40% of the spiritual leadership came from the ranks of women.
    However once the Sikhs became rulers, the egalitarian currents in the Sikh tradition became successively dissipated. Upper caste converts to Sikhism retained their caste identification, and Gurudwaras became divided between those for the upper and lower castes. Nevertheless, the peasantry did win some concessions and the Gurudwaras institutionalized charitable practices on a scale unmatched in previous eras. Overall, the century that preceded colonization was a period of growing social ferment in India, but as British colonial rule tightened, it was to put a great damper on the pace of social reforms.
    The British Colonial Era
    Although some versions of Indian history ascribe to the early colonial administrators a penchant for social reform, it should be noted that the colonial "reformers" were at best aligning themselves with active indigenous reform currents. They were not usually the initiators or great crusaders for social reform as is frequently portrayed.
    In any case, after 1857, the cynical strategy of divide and conquer not only impacted relations between Hindus and Muslims, but also aggravated caste tensions. But even independently of conscious attempts by British administrators to inflame caste tensions, the ruination of the Indian economy alone led to a disastrous degradation in social relations. (See The Colonial Legacy for more on this subject)
    The Zamindari system particularly disenfranchised the peasantry whose status dropped dramatically in comparison to those castes who were able to find a foothold in the new administration, or find some employment in the new colonial cities. The enormous burden of high taxes led to unprecedented levels of indebtedness and the privileging of the money-lending castes. The economic devastation caused by the Mahalwari system of taxation in the Awadh region led to higher levels of gender discrimination, and an increase in coercion in matters related to dowry. Differential access to modern education and jobs in the colonial administration increased the distance between the favored castes - and the Indian masses.
    (The favored castes naturally included Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Banias, but also other important administrative castes such as Kayasthas. Large land owning castes such as Mehtas and Reddis were also favored, as were Marathas, Jatts and other castes who had risen during the decline of Mughal rule.)
    It was also the British who resurrected the Manusmriti and used it to frame the "Hindu Civil Code". Prior to colonization, the Manusmriti was nothing more than an obscure text, long-forgotten and rarely used to determine what was acceptable social practice. (See Madhu Keshwar - ref. provided below) The Manusmriti came in very handy in social control. Because the numerical presence of the Britishers in India was not substantial, the Britishers had to rule largely by proxy. It was important that their agents did not face resistance or rebellion, even in the social realm. Owing to it's repressive and highly divisive character, the Manusmriti helped in preventing both individual and collective resistance to local authorities, who were typically upper caste and often Brahmin. That the Manusmriti represented an archaic and outdated social code didn't matter. It fit in very well with the British colonial project.
    It was also convenient in providing ideological cover for repressive legal steps the British wanted to take anyway. For instance it didn't hurt that the Manusmriti advocated laws that legitimized gender discrimination or attacked same-gender relationships. Such attitudes were then equally prevalent in Europe and it made it easier to disenfranchise women in matters of inheritance or introduce legal injunctions against same-gender sexual relations (as was the case in Britain during the 18th C.).
    Changes in Caste Equations
    Historians who have attempted to draw a straight line between the Manusmriti and post-independence India are clearly unfamiliar with those patterns of Indian history that contradict such a linear view. While some of the social evils of modern India may have ancient roots, many others have a fairly recent history. And even those that may have ancient precedence were modulated and modified as a result of numerous struggles for social equality that have taken place throughout Indian history.
    For example, after independence one could find temples built in the late 18th or 19th century that restricted entry to dalits and menstruating women. But it is not at all clear if such strictures were widespread prior to colonization. Research indicates that during the Pratihara period, caste categories were relatively flexible and popular temples were constructed by those considered low-caste. Temple construction was often a way of gaining social respect and upward mobility.
    Restrictions on temple entry most likely reached a peak during the British period partly because only the upper castes had the means to build temples, and also because the control of existing temples passed into the hands of trusts who were hand-picked by the British, and were given free license (possibly even encouraged) to promote discriminatory practices. The iron hand of the colonial state made it much more difficult to challenge such reactionary tendencies.
    See Nicholas B. Dirks, "The original caste: power, history and hierarchy in South Asia", in McKim Marriott, ed. "India through Hindu Categories" (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990:59-78) "Under colonialism, caste was appropriated, and in many respects reinvented, by the British" (p.61) "Paradoxically, colonialism seems to have created much of what is now accepted as Indian 'tradition', including an autonomous caste structure with the Brahman clearly at the head" (p.63) "Caste, as it is still portrayed in much current anthropological literature, is a colonial construction, reminiscent only in some ways of the social forms that preceded colonial intervention" (p.74)
    Economic factors were also crucial in determining caste rank and caste relationships. In periods of intense economic exploitation, caste discrimination intensified, and the reverse took place in periods of economic expansion. For instance, most historians are in agreement that the Gupta period was a period of rising prosperity and also a period of increasing social mobility. Improvements in agricultural productivity led to concomitant improvements in the social rank of the cultivators.
    Similiarly, (though much later) there is evidence for the rise in status of the telis - cooking oil manufacturers and traders whose earlier low caste status did not fit with their growing economic importance, and were thus granted a higher caste rank. Besides, all through Indian history, phony lineages for non-Kshatriya rulers were constructed to create the aura of continuity and legitimacy. Hence, the mere existence of a document like the Manusmriti should not cause serious social scientists to jump to broad conclusions without greater scrutiny and dispassionate analysis of the Indian historical record.
    It is also important not to judge an older society by modern standards. Social relations cannot be entirely separated from how productive activities are carried out and what the level of available technology makes socially possible. In today's world, the widespread availability of printed matter, of computers and other means to store and develop knowledge systems makes the older systems of learning and skill-preservation largely redundant. But in older times, the artisans guild system helped in the development and preservation of specialized knowledge and perfection of important manufacturing skills. In India, artisans guilds were closely correlated to jati or caste. It was not only the Brahmins and upper castes who favored hereditary continuity, but skilled carpenters, weavers, metalworkers, painters and numerous categories of other artisans also saw certain benefits in maintaining their jati identities. While the artisan castes often fought for greater social equality - the complete breakdown of caste identities was never a serious option except for those at the very bottom of the caste totem pole.
    The caste system survived not just because it was enforced by the legal writ of an elite class, but as much because it served a social purpose in an era in which it was difficult if not impossible to organize the educational and productive activities of society in a more flexible and democratic way.
    Other forms of social discrimination
    In addition, societies that may not have overtly practised a caste system (such as Europe in the Christian era) may have yet prevented egalitarian social interaction and free social mobility through other means. The virtual annihilation and isolation of Native American communities by Christian invaders and immigrants is a striking and tragic example of systematic social exclusion.
    While slavery in America was a thoroughly cruel and demeaning practice, the abolition of slavery did not end injustices against African Americans or other non-European immigrants. For instance, until the passing of the civil rights act - discrimination against African Americans and other nationalities such as Chinese, Indian and Mexican were enshrined in law. Inter-racial marriages were banned in many states and the mere charge of taking an interest in a Caucasian woman could lead to the lynching of Afro-American men in the South. Early Chinese and Indian immigrants were paid substantially less than the prevailing wages, were not allowed to bring wives and family members into the country, and prevented from owning property. Even workers guilds and trade unions discriminated against non-European immigrant workers.
    (The evidence from the richest of the world's capitalist countries suggests that both overt and covert forms of social inequality continues to this day. For instance, many elected Presidents in the US (including Clinton, Bush and Reagan) can trace their lineage to the British royal family, implying that the old ruling classes continue to enjoy special access to power. In Britain, hereditary privileges are enshrined in the constitution for the monarchy, as well as other members of the nobility. The House of Lords is another vestige of the old system that privileges certain elites. The 'old-boys' network, exclusive college sororities and fraternities are another way in which the elite are usually able to arrange privileged and differential access to jobs and business opportunities.
    At the other end of the social spectrum, African Americans in the US remain a highly discriminated group. Although comprising less than 10% of the US population, they make up almost fifty percent of prisoners on death row and a similarly high percentage of jail inmates. Numerous studies have pointed to highly discriminatory practices in how African Americans are arrested (much more frequently), charged (with much lower thresholds of incriminating evidence) and sentenced (to much longer prison terms) relative to Caucasian Americans. In California, there are more African Americans in jails than in universities. The unemployment rate amongst African Americans in some US cities is as high as 50% whereas the average rate of unemployment is less than 5% in the country as a whole.)
    Discrimination in the Modern World
    While in India, caste continues to be an important category leading to grave social inequities, national origin and race have become important factors in how inequality is propagated in much of the modern world. Racial and national discrimination was at the core of how colonial rulers justified their exploitation of the colonies. The colonial system was unique in how human exploitation reached a level of intensity unseen in human history and enabled the creation of exploitative patterns across vast oceans and geographical territories. The legacy of this economic devastation lives on in how negative social practices from older eras continue to survive not only in India but in much of Africa and other colonized nations.
    The legacy of colonialism also shows up in how there is no equal work for equal pay across nations. Even accounting for differences in purchasing power, the income and ability to consume for a doctor, engineer, skilled industrial worker or service worker in the US, Europe or Japan is often five to ten times greater than say in India or Bangladesh or Kenya or Indonesia.
    While it is undeniable that the task of democratization of Indian society is incomplete, that caste and gender discrimination continue to cause grave harm, that Adivasis and Dalits still face all manner of trials and tribulations, and that all such social inequities need to be fought with continued vigour - India's social evils cannot be analyzed or eliminated in isolation of other necessary changes. It is important that the process of how social relations become shaped in a certain way be better understood. While battles for social equality need widespread support, their ultimate success may be determined as much by how India's economy develops.
    All through human history, property-less classes have suffered social discrimination of one kind or another. Economic disparities remain a serious contributor to social inequities today. Any social system that is based on unequal access to economic assets - (whether they be land, raw materials, industrial or commercial wealth) will inevitably lead to some form of social discrimination and inequity. Victims of older forms of discrimination will either continue to be victimized, or simply become victims of new forms of discrimination.
    For that reason, the challenge for countries like India is not only to fight against all instances of social discrimination, but to also struggle for greater economic equality - not only within India, but also in terms of India's equality with the rest of the world.
    References:
    1. Vishwa Mohan Jha: Settlement, Society and Polity in Early Medieval Rural India (Social Science Probings vol. 11/12)
    2. T. K Venkatasubramaniam: Politics, Culture and 'Caste' in early Tamilkam (Social Science Probings vol. 11/12)
    3. R. C. Dutt: A History of Civilization in Ancient India
    4. Hetukar Jha, Social Structures of Indian Villages, A study of rural Bihar
    5. Mayadhar Mansinha, History of Oriya Literature (Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi)
    6. Bulletins of the Indian Historical Review (Indian Council of Historical Research)
    7.Vinod Kumar: India as Al-beruni saw it
    8.Madhu Kishwar: Manusmriti to Madhusmriti
    9.Scott Levi: Hindus Beyond the Hindu Kush: Indians in the Central Asian Slave Trade, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society; 'The Indian Merchant Diaspora in Early Modern Central Asia and Iran', Iranian Studies (32, 4)
    9b. Chacha Na'ma, Futuh-I Bulda'n (Translations/Excerpts from Arabic/Persian texts chronicling the invasion and conquest of Sindh)
    9c. The destruction of forts and temples, massacres of defeated armies, looting of temple wealth and the taking of slaves is described in numerous Persian/Arabic chronicles of the Delhi Sultanate; for instance, see Taju-l Ma-asir and Tabakat-i-Nasiri.
    10. Jyotsna Kamat: Social Life in Medieval Karnataka
    11. Zarina Bhatty: "Social stratification among Muslims in India" - (from the book "Caste - its twentieth century avatar" by M N Srinivas, Viking, New Delhi, 1996, pp 249-253)
    12. Sandra Mackey: The Caste/Class system in Iran (from The Iranians - Persia, Islam and the Soul of a Nation), Dutton Books published by the Penguin Groups, New York, 1996 pp. 34-35
    13. K. Damodaran: Indian Thought, A Critical Survey (Advent of Islam and Later Feudalism)
    Notes:
    Caste Divisions amongst Muslims: That caste-divisions existed amongst Muslims is borne out by this report of the 1901 Census for the Province Of Bengal:
    "The Mohammedans themselves recognize two main social divisions, (1) Ashraf or Sharaf and (2) Ajlaf; Ashraf means 'noble ' and includes all undoubted descendants of foreigners and converts from high caste Hindus. All other Mahomedans including the occupational groups and all converts of lower ranks, are known by the contemptuous terms, Ajlaf , 'wretches' or 'mean people': they are also called Kamina or Itar, 'base' or Rasil, a corruption of Rizal, 'worthless'. In some places a third class, called Arzal or 'lowest of all', is added. With them no other Mohammedan would associate, and they are forbidden to enter the mosque to use the public burial ground. Within these groups there are castes with social precedence of exactly the same nature as one finds among the Hindus." Ashraf or better class Mohammedans are listed as Saiads (Sayeeds), Sheikhs, Pathans, Moghuls, Malliks, Mirzas; Ajlaf or lower class Mohammedans include a variety of cultivating and artisan castes such as Darzi, Jolaha, Fakir, Dhobi, Hajjam, Madaria, Dai, etc. The Arzal or degraded class is listed as including Bhanar, Halalkhor, Hijra, Kasbi, Lalbegi, Maugia and Mchlar.]

    Ambedkar in his essay on "Pakistan and the Malaise, Social Stagnation" states while quoting the above Census data: "Similar facts from other Provinces of India could be gathered from their respective Census Reports and those who are curious may refer to them. But the facts for Bengal are enough to show that the Mohammedans observe not only caste but also untouchability."
    Also see:
    Islam and the sub-continent - appraising its impact
    Forced Conversions to Islam
    For an analysis of the Quran, see:
    http://europenews.dk/en/node/18163
    Adivasi Contributions to Indian Culture and Civilization
    Buddhist Ethics and Social Criticism
    Also see topics in Indian History for other related essays


    Back to main index for South Asian History
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    Hindutva Nothing But Brahminic Sanathana Dharma

    (Paper submitted by PALA to All India League of Revolutionary Culture [AILRC], Aug 1994 – published as a booklet in 'Conference Against Brahminic Terrorism',Thanjavur,Tamilnadu, feb- 2003 )
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    The history of India is being explained to us through various perspectives. When the brahminical, gandhian and revisionist (blemished with braminism) shades of those perspectives reveal themselves, or when they are unmasked, we confront the cruel and treacherous face of Brahminism hitherto unseen. To those who fail to see this and remain indifferent, the Hindu communalists have upon themselves the task of 'educating' them.
    During the freedom movement, the CPI, which should have acted as a vanguard in the struggle against British imperialism and feudalism, compromised on both these fronts. It also glossed over the question of caste, a socio-economic oppressive system interwoven with the class oppression-the backbone of oriental despotism. It faithfully followed Gandhi and his moderate Hindu nationalism like a pet dog.
    Dr.Ambedkar and Periyar EVR carried through the ideological struggle against Brahminism. Though they fought Brahminism in certain spheres of ideology, they went in for a class compromise and got institutionised in that process. That was the limitation destined by history to the bourgeois world outlook – an inescapable compromise with Brahminism, a close ally of imperialism.
    Now, it is the second round of the game. After pauperising the country with their own policies, the ruling classes now accede to the pressure of re-colonisation by the imperialists, and shame lessly justify it as the only solution to the crisis. The Hindu fascists, representatives of the same comprador- feudal combine, put forth hindutva as their ideology and indulge in a deceptive patriotic sloganeering, projecting themselves as the only alternative.
    Simultaneously, parties like BSP, which despise even the concept of class struggle and maintain a discreet silence over the issue of fighting imperialism and feudalism, are 'thundering' against Brahminism. They make no secret of their ultimate goal of sharing their crumb in the citadels of ruling class power. But that does not prevent them from gaining influence among the oppressed castes. We can also observe the emergence of a variety of forces, which demand more power to the state or separate statehood, alongside the existing armed national liberation struggles. Not to speak of the Sikh and Islamic nationalism.
    The revolutionary and democratic forces who are steadfast in their struggle against Hindu communalism, do not clearly demarcate their ideology and organization – viz. Brahminism combined with, fascism with the result, the offensive looses its sharpness, gets scattered and misses the target.
    Hence the ideology – Brahminism or the so called Hindu religion – on the basis of which the Hindu communal fascists justify their oppression in the spheres of caste, nationality, language and gender, should be challenged. Likewise, when Brahminism attempts to revive and present itself as an alternative to the prevailing crisis, it does not remain to be an obsolete ideology justifying Varna dharma, but turns into a fascist ideology, wielded by a fascist clique. The significance of the struggle against Brahminism increases further, as it is a struggle against fascism in today's context.

    HINDUISM – NOT A RELIGION
    Hinduism is not a religion; it is an ideology that upholds the institution of socio – economic oppression. The reasons for the emergence of various religions of the world and the social purposes they attempted to serve have no relevance whatsoever with that of Hinduism.
    To quote Marx,
    "Religion distress is at the same time the expression of real distress and the protest against real distress. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of the heartless world, just as it is a spirit of spiritler situation. It is the opium of the people."
    Applying Marxism, we can look into the historical and social conditions which gave birth to the emergence of the three great religions of the world.
    Christianity was born out of the distress of the slaves and their craving for liberation- it attempted to 'liberate' the slaves; it symbolised the freedom of the slaves.
    The emergence of slave kingdoms leading to the violent crushing of primitive communes, the resultant yearing of its people for the 'commune democracy' and the compassion of Buddha for the oppressed castes and his concern to relieve them out of their distress gave birth to Buddhism. In other words, it rose against brahminical tyranny and deception.
    Islam emerged as a unifying force amongst various warring tribes, and it promised equal treatment to all those who believed in monotheism (Allah) and recognized Mohammed as the last Prophet.
    Thus, all the three major religious were born in the interest of the oppressed. Later, they got turned into instruments (of oppression) in the hands of the ruling classes.
    But it was only the 'Hindu religion' that was created as an instrument of oppression in the hands of exploiting classes. Its principles as well as methods continue to be racism, tyranny, exploitation and deceit. Varna and casteism, which fortify endogamy, are its basis, and Brahminism is its ideology.
    Hinduism not only denies the right to property and education etc. to the majority of the population, it denies them the basic religious right – the right to worship. Unlike other religions it exclude the majority of the population (belonging to lower varnas, castes and also women) from the basic aim of any religion – i.e., 'Salvation'.
    The essence and soul of Hinduism is the caste system; what are the remaining basic religious aspects, if caste is done away with? Hundreds of mutually hostile gods, thousands forms of worship and dozens of philosophies. It does not posses a common principle on any of the basic issue that matters to any other religion – like theistic philosophy, forms of worship and moral principles – except of course, the chatur varna system. (But this 'diversity' is cunningly used today, by the Brahminic scholars as a proof to their democratic credentials.)
    Religion is normally considered as part of superstructure. It is always claimed by the Hindu religious feaders that Hinduism is not a mere religion, but a 'way of life'. Islam has also codified the ways of life. But Hinduism basically codifies the social system. It lays down well defined laws on the organization and functioning of the social, economic, political and cultural relations of the Varna – caste system. That is, it decides production as well as other relations. So, Hinduism is part of both superstructure and the base.
    Ambedkar was right when he said that "…it (Hinduism) has not got the impulse to serve and that is because by its nature it is unhuman and unmoral. It is a misnomer to call it religion. Its philosophy is opposed to the very thing for which a religion stands."
    -Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar writings and speeches. Vol.3.p.92.
    Periyar EVR emphasized the same, pointing out the malevolent and immoral character of the Brahminic gods, saints and their preachings including Manusmriti.
    HINDUISM – A HISTORIC FRAUD
    Historically there existed no religion called Hinduism and this fact does not require any new proof neither it represented the whole of society or a majority of it. It was only called as the 'Sanatan dharma' by its creators and defenders i.e., the Brahmins. Hinduism means nothing but Brahmanism and it was defined so only by Brahmins – not by us. They have never used the term 'Hindu' in any of their scriptures.
    In fact, the twice born (Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaisya) did not have any dispute over the doctrines of Varna and karma, but, they were divided among themselves into six religions like saivism and vaishnavism; When the Brahminic authority floundered with the rise of Buddhism, Aajeevakam and Jainism, various Brahmin sanatanists tried to redefine the philosophical basis of varna and caste, in order to defend it. Sankara was one of them, who were instrumental in achieving some sort of unity amongst those six religions, defeating enemies through deceit and oppression.
    The 'Hinduism' of the Vedic age was different from the one of the Upanishadic period; likewise, the 'Hinduism' of Bhagavat Gita varies much from that of the upanishadic period; Shankara's 'Hinduism' is different from the present day 'Hinduism'. Idol worship' Temple worship and the doctrine against cow-slaughter were appropriated and developed by Brahminism in its struggle against Buddhism.
    Brahminic Hinduism has always adapted itself to the political and economic realities and to defend itself from the onslaught of other religions.
    It has adapted without much fuss, even conceded to upgrade the status of certain individuals and groups in the Varna hierarchy.
    But it would not budge an inch in the matters of defending Varna dharma as a system and its own supremacy in the Pyramid. The attitude of Brahminism towards religious conversions is also worth mentioning here. While opposing conversions, in order to retain the oppressed castes in their fold , they argue that varna and caste s division did not exist in Vedic or Upanishadic age .Thus they absolve themselves of the crime , but shamelessly continue to enforce caste in all religious matters .
    The Shankaracharya of Kanchi was quite frank when he thanked the British for introducing the 'Legal Hindu Religion' and saving the Sanatanists from the danger of becoming minority 'in the own land'
    "Had they [ the British ] not given us the name " Hindu " we could have divided ourselves into various religion – like Saivites, Vaishnavites, Sakthas, Muruga Bhakts and as devotees of Ellai Amma – in every town . Is there a common God for Saivites and Vaishnavites? No, Siva is not the God of Vaishnavites; the militant Saivites say that Vishnu is not a God at all, but only a devotee of Lord Shiva. Can anyone consider these two as belonging to a single religion? The British gave a common name – HINDU, and we are saved. The name that they christened saved us."
    – Sri Chandrasekarendra Saraswathi, Kanchi Paramacharya, Voice of God Volume 1, Page: 266. [Tamil Edn]
    Hence, recognising Hinduism as a religion amounts to subscribing to a historic falsity and it also amounts to appeasing the Hindu Fascists.
    IT IS NOT MERELY THE CHATUR VARNA

    The essence of Brahminic Hindu religion is not only the Chatur Varna and caste system. It also includes Aryan Racism and oppression of various nationalities and languages.
    Social estates based on simple occupational divisions have existed even in Europe, but they were not decided by birth, as in the case of Varna and caste system.
    The Chatur Varna as an oppressive social system was formed after subjugating Dravidian and Kirata races placing them in the lower Varna , as slaves – otherwise called Dasas and Dasyues. The impelling ideology was racism found among the Rigvedic Aryans. Even after the Aryan-Dravidian-Kirata intermixture, this had not changed. It was a story of native tribes getting humiliated by the colonizers owing to their colour and birth.
    The development of productive forces and emergence of slave and feudal societies led to the emergence of new castes. While the Aryans adapted the advanced culture and production techniques to other tribes, especially Dravidians, they tried to maintain their own identity and their own racial purity through Varna system. While the ideological basis for the emergence of Chatur Varna and the caste system was Aryan racism, the material basis was the absence of private ownership in land. In other words it was collective social slavery based on Asiatic form of ownership.
    The 'Aryan pride' of the Brahmins does not end with the Vedic age. It transcends time and arouses sangh parivar to dream of an 'Akand Bharat'. Bharat has nothing to do with Sakunthala. It was the name of an Aryan tribe in the Saptha Sindhu. This particular tribe emerged victorious in its war against Dasyus and Kiratas (the native tribes), drove them out and the chieftain of the Bharatha tribe 'Sudhas' established his kingdom. The Rig Veda dwells at length about these wars and victories. Hence the official name of our country Bharath is discreetly chosen alternative word for "Aryavarta".
    Of course it is true that wars and aggressions of one primitive ethnic tribe against the other and the eventual elimination or oppression of the defeated is not uncommon in the history of mankind. Likewise the intermixture of different ethnic tribes (in India, Aryan-Dravidian-Kirata) is also quite common throughout history.
    But the uncommon and unique aspect of Indian history is that the Aryan racism and brutality against the native tribes and their subsequent enslavement were treated as a virtue and were accorded religious sanction. With Brahmins at the helm, the racial chauvinism continued over the centuries, the manifestations of which are to be seen in the puranas as Deva-Asura conflicts.
    The intermixture of ethnic tribes and the inclusion of 'black' gods (only to uphold Brahminism) in the "Hindu" pantheon, will not absolve Brahminism of its racial chauvinism. The victories of the Devas over Asuras were celebrated. They were-and are still- depicted as the victory of good over evil.
    Brahmins have never recognised or respected the mother tongue of various nationalities and tribes. Their 'own' language was Sanskrit, the language of gods (Deva Basha). They have even fought and won a legal battle with the erstwhile DMK government to guard the status of Sanskrit as Deva Basha. They maintain a separate cultural identity, the important ingredient of which is 'Aryan-Dvija-Sanskrit' pride, which cuts across all national 'barriers'. Sanskrit served as the 'national' language in their attempts to establish and safeguard the Brahminical order. All other nations, people and the languages were condemned as mlecha, untouchables and impure.
    The racist and puritans approach of Brahminism alone was responsible for propounding the system of untouchability (Avarna), which is the oldest, worst and the most horrible discrimination of man comparable only to apartheid. It denies all basic human rights to nearly one third of the entire society and it is a shame on the society. But for a few fanatics, even hardcore Hindu religious leaders could not defend it and try to acquit 'Hinduism' from the responsibility of its creation. But all Hindu fascists and communalists in their heart of hearts do not conceal their desire to safeguard it along with Varna and caste system. The religious rights of the Sanatanists to practice untouchability are also protected by the constitution. So whoever wants to fight caste and untouchability, should also direct his attack against Brahminic Hindu religion.
    HINDU – HINDI – INDIA
    While referring to the partition, the emergence of Muslim nationalism and the Non-Brahmin movement of South India, the congress easily finds a scapegoat in British Imperialism and escapes from its responsibility by simply branding them as 'agents'. Again the CPI and CPM faithfully follow this line. No body denies the fact that the imperialists played a 'Divide and Rule' tactics to frustrate the freedom movement. But the seeds of divisions were already present, and they were sown by the Brahminic Hindu nationalists.
    The basic claim of Hindu nationalists had been 'Akand Bharat'. When it spoke about restoring 'our glorious ancient tradition' it was referring to the Vedic age with a Brahminic and Aryan pride. The ideological and emotional involvement towards 'Akand Bharat' existed only among the Brahmins. (None of the kings who rules even very large tracts of the present day India had such a 'vision'). In other words they infused an ideological and emotional content (patriotism based on Hindu nationalism) to the geographical area that was brought under the British sword. Brahminic culture did not- and does not- identify itself with any particular nationality. It always claims and upholds the Brahminical divine life of Rishis and Saints of Gangetic and Himalayan region which again reveals its 'Racial pride'.
    When the European intellectuals started showing interest in the Sanskrit literature, it resulted in stirring up the Aryan pride amongst the Brahmins. Modern education, bureaucratic assignments and involvement in political movements gave rise to their dream of Akand Bharat.
    The Gujarati, Marwari and Bania traders and usurers were a strong ally of Brahmins in advocating the concept of Akand Bharat, as their class interest perfectly syncronising with it. They have moved out of their own land and were settled in various parts of the country even before the entry of British East India Company. If Brahmins already possessed a unique cultural identity, the Banias and Marwaris did not hesitate to their ethnic identity and coalesce with the Brahminic Hindu culture, in their own class interest. They even renounced their own languages in favour of Hindi.
    When the comprador bourgeoisie emerged from among this section of traders and usurers, they supported the congress and Hindu Maha Sabha. Atleast they were sure that the Hindu Rashtra of Hindu Maha Sabha, Ram Rajya of Gandhi and the term 'ancient Indian civilisation' used by Nehru meant the same i.e., Brahminic Hindu nationalism.
    Brahminic nationalism satisfied craves of the comprador bourgeoisie for an all India market. In other words, the Brahminic nationalism received new class content. Thus the Indian (Brahminic) nationalism was against the rights of nationalities, right from its birth.
    True to its tradition of recognising the vanquisher as Kshatriya, on the assurance for the perpetuation of caste system, Brahmin nationalists struck a deal with the imperialists. The historic characteristics of Brahminism and class interest of the comprador bourgeoisie and feudal lords perfectly mixed together in the new social context.
    The coalition continues. While Brahmins dominate the political and cultural life of the country, Marwaris and Banias dominate the economic and commercial life of it. They have together formed a united front to exploit and oppress the rest of the people. The Gujarati, Marwari and Bania traders and compradors are the chief patrons of BJP throughout India. The NRIs among this section play a vital role in filling up the coffers of RSS today.
    The concept of 'one nation-one people' stands for a strong centre i.e., total suppression of rights of the nationalities: Akand Bharat reflects the expansionist desire of the Indian ruling class.
    The dream of 'Akand Bharat' is kept alive in the 'National Anthem' with its reference to Sindh province. The constitution on its part confers sanction also to the areas to be annexed in future by the Indian union.
    HINDI –A PROXY TO SANSKRIT
    The questions of nationalities as well as the languages were never solved democratically in India. The ruling classes repeatedly try to impose Hindi and oppose the struggle for national self-determination. The relationship of Brahminic Hindu nationalism with the Hindi is organic and integral, hence irrefutable. Hindi nationalism or 'Nationalist Hindi' encroaches in to the rights of other nationalities and suppresses them; at the same time it denigrates the people of the oppressed castes and classes belonging to the 'Hindi belt'.
    It was not without reason that the 'Brahminic nationalists' chose Hindi as the official language instead of Sanskrit, their darling. Sanskrit was a dead language and the chance of its immediate resurrection was also very remote. The inevitable choice was Hindustani- much closer to Sanskrit then any other Indian language.
    But it had to be cleansed of the Persian and Arabic words for obvious reasons. The Brahminical contempt for the people's languages was not reserved only to the non-Hindi speaking people. Words belonging to Mahati, Maithili, Rajasthani, Brijbasha, Chattisghari and Bhojpuri (people's languages which were very much alive and which also belonged to the Hindustani family) were also systematically removed in the cleansing process, to be substituted with the Sanskrit words. Thus Hindi was duly sanitised (Sanskritised) before it was allowed to enter in to the portals of higher education.
    Article-151 of the constitution while envisaging the future development of Hindi lay down in clear terms that, attempts to improve Hindi should primarily depend upon Sanskrit. Golwalkar was candid when he said that, only Sanskrit was competent to be the national language of India, while Hindi was only an interim arrangement. On its part congress went to the extent of even opposing the formation of linguistic states.
    Both political and religious leaders repeatedly emphasis that Hindi particularly Sanskrit alone can serve as the uniting force of the country and urge the people to study Sanskrit. Large amount of government money is spent to promote Hindi education and Sanskrit research. They insist that our country's best traditions and values should be drawn from the Vedas, Upanishads and Puranas – hence the study of Sanskrit should be encouraged. Thus the Hindu communal (Brahminic) bias in favour of Hindi is borne out by historical facts. Hence it would be absurd, if we are to be accused of giving communal colour to a people's language i.e., Hindi.
    Of course, the above facts do not attribute any communal motive to Hindi speaking people. Still we cannot gloss over the following questions:
    • What induced the Punjabi Hindus to register their mother tongue as Hindi in the census records?
    • Can we say that the anti-Urdu sentiments in UP does not have communal undertone?
    • Should the people of the non-Hindi nationalities unconditionally believe in the democratic credentials of the 'Hindi' proletariat, in spite of the fact that no voice of protest worth mentioning has ever been raised from the 'Hindi belt' against the imposition of Hindi on others?

    The answers to these questions are understandable. The ruling class has considerably succeeded in influencing the people of the 'Hindi belt' with its 'Hindu-Hindi nationalism'. Further the fact that the Brahminical – Hindu nationalists could go ahead with their plan of 'Sanskritisation of Hindi' without any protest is also much distressing. Of course there was a lone voice of protest. Rahul Sankruthyayan proposed the formation of three different linguistic states for the people speaking Panchali, Kauthali and Kauravi; but the CPI termed his proposal as backward and feudal. It went ahead and supported the ruling class attempt to create a 'Hindi heartland'.
    The source of the concept of Hindi- Hindu – Hindustan is Brahminic Hinduism. Its genesis explains the truth. Its roots can never be amputated unless the contempt inherent in the 'Brahminic Hindu religion' towards any national identity is exposed.
    A VOICE OF PROTEST BEFORE 1947 The concept that "the tradition of Indian nationalism, cherished by the people of our country through the ages and enriched by their struggle against imperialism" is basically wrong. There was only a multiplicity of Indian culture and traditions of various nationalities. Questions are raised as to how one could determine the essence of the 'nationalistic spirit' of Bhagat singh and other such revolutionaries. Their understanding of India as a 'nation' was limited to the geographical boundary enslaved by the British – i.e., British India. In other words, the content of their 'Indian nationalism' was only an anti-thesis of British colonialism.
    But even before 1947, voices of protest against Brahmin nationalism were raised from Tamilnadu, which has a centuries old tradition of fighting against Brahminism and Sanskrit. Though not placed in an integrated form, it was forcefully put forth by Periyar EVR. After a long drawn struggle inside the congress, he resigned from it to continue his struggle against Brahminism and Brahmin nationalism from outside. Though he was stubborn in fighting against Brahminism, his struggles were not targeted against feudalism and its political power or imperialism. He chose to compromise with them.
    The Non-Brahmin movement of south India, especially Tamilnadu was a reaction to the Brahminic domination in British bureaucracy and various other factors. Its anti-Brahminism ended at the point of sharing the power and it was also pro-imperialist and reformist. But all these facts will not justify Brahmin nationalism and its undemocratic and comprador characteristics.
    THE ALTERNATIVE TRADITION
    We recognise the right to self-determination of every nationality including the right to secede; that does not mean that we stand for the secession of every nationality; on our part we only strive to unite the proletariat of all the nationalities against the common enemy.
    But while rejecting Brahminic nationalism as fake and undemocratic, we are left with the question of finding our own tradition.
    Since Brahminic nationalism and Brahminic Hinduism is an amalgam of Chatur Varna. We should inherit the best traditions of the struggles against all these oppressions-Casteism, Aryan racism and linguistic and national oppression.
    • Various schools of philosophies-materialist, anti-Brahmin and atheist, from charvaka to Buddha and siddhas of Tamilnadu- who valiantly fought against the Brahminic and Vedic authority.
    • The struggles of the native tribes against Aryan racism and Brahminic deceit; in other words the struggle of Asuras against Suras (Devas).
    • Victims of Brahminic tyranny like Ekalavya, Sambuka and Nandha and the reformers who challenged the Brahminic Hindu religion.
    • Struggles for democratic right of various nationalities, including the struggle against imposition of Hindi and Sanskrit.
    • All anti-feudal, anti-imperialist struggles and

    The struggles of the international proletariat, oppressed nations and the struggles against racism and apartheid.
    We should inherit the best of all these traditions and wield them as a weapon in our struggle for a new democratic India.
    As mentioned earlier, Asuras are not mere mythological entities, but the native tribes of our country who relentlessly fought against the Brahminic authority. In other words, they were the 'terrorists' and 'extremists' of those times, hated and feared by the Brahminic authority. They can appropriately be treated as a symbol in our struggle against Brahminism.
    It will be apt to recall the attempts of Periyar EVR (of course with its own shortcomings) in this regard. His movement turned the permanent villains of the puranas, in to heroes and staged plays like "Hiranya Kasipu- the incomparable hero" and "Ravanakavya" against Ramayana. The "Ravana Leela" against Ram Leela was also held on these lines.
    We should unearth and bring to light all our traditions hitherto unknown or misinterpreted by the ruling classes, propagate them and create an alternative historic consciousness which will naturally inspire the people in their struggle against Brahminism.
    ATTACK HINDUISM THAT SANCTIFIES CASTE OPPRESSION
    Caste should not be seen as a mere obstacle blocking class unity. It is a separate socio-economic oppressive system existing in the base. Class struggle and caste struggle are not to be fought side by side or alongside. Caste struggle is part of class struggle. Sometimes the caste aspect takes the primary form, while the class aspect becomes primary in certain other situations. Hence both the prepositions of 'class struggle a pre-condition to class struggle' and 'giving up of caste struggle in the interest of class struggle' are wrong. Both the class and caste struggles should be carried out simultaneously, so that one compliments the other and helps the development of the revolutionary movement.
    Struggle against caste oppression or untouchability are not to be treated as mere local issues to be settled with a particular land lord or a community. Its scope should be extended to fight Brahminic Hindu religion that sanctifies caste system. Only the "class unity" achieved on these lines will help removing the 'caste consciousness' among the people and effect the fall of Brahminic Hindu religion.
    HINDUISM IN ITSELF IS COMMUNAL
    In the struggle against Hindu communalism the focus is mainly made opposing the anti-muslim propaganda. Historic distortions and communalization – of secular issues by the sangh parivar and the class interest behind its politics should definitely be exposed.
    But due importance should be given to wipe out the social base it has created among the oppressed castes in the name of 'Hindu unity". A mere reference to the upper caste nature of its leadership is not enough. The fact 'communal' towards to its 'own' members should be highlighted.
    HURTING RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OR UPHOLDING SELF-RESPECT
    Fears are repeatedly expressed that attack against Hinduism would result in the religious sentiments of the common people. We should clarify ourselves. There has never been a common religious consciousness among Hindus. It is divided on caste lines. In other words even the gods are divided on caste lines and this is the only religion where the gods have repeatedly punished or killed their own devotees for the crime of violating Varna dharma. But now Sangh Parivar is attempting to create a 'common hindu identity' and a 'common religious consciousness' by focusing the same gods who stood to defend Varna dharma.
    As stated earlier, the gods of the scheduled castes and oppressed castes are quiet different from that of the Brahminic Hindu gods; the forms of worship and rituals also vary. Likewise, the nature of the religious consciousness amongst the oppressed castes is by and large proto-materialist and tribal.
    This does not mean that we are closing our eyes to the fact that over a period of time – owing to various historical reasons-some of the oppressed castes have been deceived in to accepting the Brahminic gods like Ram, Krishna, Shiva etc., this only increases our responsibility to expose the misdeeds of such 'gods' amongst the oppressed castes or else they may fall prey to the ploy of Sangh Parivar, which uses these 'gods' as common symbols of Hindu resurgence.
    As for the people born in upper castes – but not castiest – who may have a general religious sentiment towards such Brahminic gods then we have no other way but to convince them of the Varna caste chauvinism of their gods and religion.
    Further our propaganda against Brahminic Hinduism is not atheistic in nature. We are only putting bare before the people, the history of Brahminic Hinduism which has hurt the self-respect of the oppressed castes. So the question of hurting the religious sentiments and the fear of getting isolated from the people, are totally unfounded; especially when such campaigns go hand in hand with the class struggle. The experiences of Dr.Ambedkar and Periyar EVR in this respect are only positive not to mention of our own experiences in 'burning Ram', 'entry in to the sanctum sanctorum of Srirangam temple' and the 'Tamil people music festival'.
    HINDU COMMUNALISM OR BRAHMINIC HINDU COMMUNALISM
    By referring to Hinduism as Brahminic Hinduism and Hindu communalism does it infer that we are excluding the non-Brahmin upper castes belonging to the upper varnas? No, the terms are only meant to expose the essence of Hinduism i.e., Brahminical caste hierarchy. As explained earlier it is not a new terminology, but the one used by the Brahmins themselves earlier in history. While all upper castes perpetuate caste oppression it was the Brahmins who formulated, upheld and sanctified the ideology that justifies this oppression. In other words, Brahminism plays the role of giving the ideological leadership to the Varna-caste system. It is analogous to our usage of proletarian leadership or proletarian ideology.
    Further, can we justify the usage of the term 'hindu', which practically results in the inclusion of the Dalits and the oppressed castes who are in no way responsible for whipping up the communal frenzy and who are always at the receiving and of the caste oppression?
    HINDU LAW AND UNTOUCHABILITY AS A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT
    While insisting upon a uniform civil code, the sangh parivar poses itself to be secular and democratic. It does not open its mouth about the discrimination prevalent in the Hindu law and the constitution.
    The Hindu law accepts Manu Smriti and certain other Brahminic Dharma Sastras as its basis. Laws relating to marriage, renunciation (sanyas) and adoption are based on these Dharma Sastras.
    While untouchability in social life is legally treated as a crime, it is justified as a religious right of the Brahmins in matters of Hindu religion. When this matter came before the Supreme Court it has upheld this 'religious right'. In a judgement relating to Ayodhya, the Supreme Court has endorsed Ram as a constitutional entity. On our part we must expose and struggle against the Hindu law and the constitutional provision which recognises untouchability as a Hindu religious right.
    CONCLUSION
    Hence all the struggles against Hindu communalism should be sharpened as struggles against Brahminism and Fascism.

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    Wednesday, August 5, 2009

    Who is ruling; India? And how?

    World's only unique system of oppression is making the slaves enjoy their slavery
    During our transition from marxism to Ambedkarism in the 1980s we had written three important books — Class-Caste Struggle: Emerging Third Force (1980), Who is Ruling India? (1982) and The Dilemma of Class & Caste in India (1984). In the last one we had reproduced the whole text of manuwadi marxist leader E.M.S. Namboodiripad's scurrilous attack on us. Since then we had completely abandoned the Indian version of manuwadi marxism which the ruling Brahminical Social Order (BSO) used to convert itself into the country's ruling class.
    Brahminism, the super fine ideology of the Indian ruling class (15%), has no permanent party but only permanent interests. The latest evidence is the way the BSO kicked out its own Brahmana Jati Party (BJP) and brought the country's more cunning original Brahminical party of Congress to power in the recent parliament election (DV Edit June 1, 2009: "Mere 2% anti-Advani upper caste vote swing from BJP brought about spectacular Cong. victory").
    Fear of identifying the ruling class: In this leader we are further clarifying our thoughts on the Indian ruling class and how we arrived at the conclusion that the Brahmins (3%) indeed are the rulers with the Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and the shudra landed castes in tow. Our almost 30 years of experience as the Editor of Dalit Voice has reinforced our thoughts and led us to this conclusion.
    Ashok Rudra, called a marxist economist of the Vishwa Bharati University, Shantiniketan, in his booklet, Intelligentsia as a Ruling Class, more or less says the same thing — of course without identifying the ruling class.
    Nobody has the courage to identify the ruling class for fear of facing threat to their very survival.
    Brahmins very often question us how such a micro-minority population can be the rulers and point out the fact that the political class, often mistaken to be the country's real ruling class, has hardly any Brahmin. This is true. The Prime Minister or most of the state chief ministers are not Brahmins.
    Political power is no power: But political power is no power in India. Politicians are a puppet in the hands of the ruling class. The best example to prove this point is the mere 3% American Jews who do not hold any political power in USA. But it is the Jews as the king-makers who hold the real power in the US with the entire financial sector and media power in their pocket. This is also true in England, France and Germany, all Christian countries, which live under the mercy of Jews.
    The Khatri Sikh Manmohan Singh may be today's Prime Minister but being a World Bank nominee he automatically becomes the darling of the Brahminical rulers. In fact he is a better Brahmin than the best.
    The ruling class need not necessarily hold the political power but it still rules with its power to manipulate the "public opinion" which is the case in India.
    In the case of US and Europe, the Jews hold the reins mainly because of their financial and media power.
    The European ruling Christians had a long- lasting religious war with the Jews throughout history, but lately they simply surrendered to Jews. Even the Pope dare not go against the Jews. President Barack Obama is challenged by the entire Jewish diaspora, led by the Zionist Israel. Look how Iran was made to tremble just because it elected Ahmedinejad as the President, hated by the entire zionists. Such is the power of the micro-minority Jews.
    Unparalleled example of India: But in India the ruling Brahminical micro-minority of 3% enjoys such a powerful sway over the country, even to the extent of a total mind control over the entire masses of people because of its legendary religious power since thousands of years.
    Brahminism is an ideology, considered religious and sacred, that declares that the Brahmins are the highest people by birth and birthright, Bhoodevatas (gods on earth), that the Vedas are the source of authority, and that the rites and rituals that make up theVarnashrama Dharma are sacred and must be followed.
    In Christian US and Europe, the Jews do not have such a religious control on the country and its peoples but in India Brahminical people being the custodians of their artificially manufactured Hindu religion, enjoy the highest ritual status, becoming the virtualBhoodevatas, gods on earth — a status which no section of the population enjoys in any part of the world except India.
    Shudras & BCs as oppressors: That is how the Brahminical people constitute the Intelligentsia because they control not only the country's principal religion (Hindu) but also all its gods, scriptures — and finally the very value system.
    Dr. Ambedkar has said all these things long, long back and hence there is no point in repeating the argument that the Brahminical people constitute the ruling class of India.
    A powerful section within the Dalit community, however, has been arguing that it is not the Brahmins who are kicking, killing, burning, raping and destroying the little property of the Dalits in the rural side but the landed shudra and Backward Castes. They cite the example of the Khairlanji massacre of Dalits in Maharashtra and ever so many places. There is good lot of truth in this argument. Brahminical journalists have invested a lot in making the Dalits believe this argument.
    It is a fact that all over India it is the shudra, the BC or OBCs who are culprits in anti-Dalit pogrom. We know it. But what is important is not the action of looting and killing the Dalits. But the thought, the inspiration behind the action.
    Caste hatred is the real villain: As the mosquito bites you, one hand instantly acts to slap the mosquito and kills it or drive it away. Who gave the order to the hand to attack the mosquito? It is the brain. The order to attack the mosquito came from the brain. Therefore, the brain that orders the attack is more important than the hand which simply obeyed the order.
    Some urchins throw a stone at a running dog. But even such a brainless animal does not chase the stone or growl at the stone. It gets angry and chases the fellow who threw the stone. Even the dog has that much of brain to identify the culprit.
    Here the culprit is not the stone but the boy who threw the stone. Who gave the poisonous thought to the shudras and OBCs to kick or kill the Dalit? The Bhoodevata philosophy.
    In all anti-Dalit atrocities the crime is committed by the shudra or BCs. There is no dispute on this. But the culprit behind the curtain is the Brahminical thought of caste hatred daily injected into the veins of the shudras and BCs who consider themselves superior.
    Culprits behind anti-Muslim riots: This is also true in the case of all anti-Muslim riots. In the Babri Masjid demolition, the Dalits played a major role. In the Gujarat Genocide (2002), Dalits led the anti-Muslim violence. We know it. But it is the Brahminical thought that made the innocent Dalits to attack and kill Muslims against whom Dalits have no grouse as both are blood brothers.
    Marathas hate Brahmins: In Maharashtra, the Marathas (Shiv Dharma) are furious with Brahmins and have launched a powerful campaign against Brahmins. But in Khairlanji the same Marathas and their cousins Kunbis and other OBCs killed the Dalits.
    The Marathas and Kunbis hate Brahmins for riding them and yet they also hate the Dalits who are the worst victims of Brahminism. Who is managing this two-way action of the Marathas and Kunbis? The Brahminical hand behind the curtain.
    This is the case in all anti-Dalit and anti-Muslim war and violence where the principal villain is the Brahmin whose value system has brainwashed the shudras and BCs to hate the Dalits and Muslims.
    The violence against Dalits on one side and Muslims on the other keep the society permanently divided. Brahminism thrives through divide and rule.
    Because Brahminism has its monopoly media it can manufacture any spurious argument and sell it as supreme truth. Besides, anybody selling this spurious product is given award and reward plus publicity in the mass media which is the sole Brahminical monopoly. Anything that comes in the media is considered supreme truth. Because, a belief system has been so systematically developed and nurtured that we are made to believe anything the manuwadi media says.
    Belief system: And that is how a section of the gullible Dalits are "convinced" that Brahmins are good but the shudras and BCs are the criminals.
    The solution to this anti-Dalit caste atrocities and also anti-Muslim riots is not merely punishing the shudras and BCs. Yes this is also a must. But the more important and ever lasting solution is the destruction of the very caste system (Hinduism) for which theBhoodevatas are not ready. They want merely the anti-Dalit war and violence must end by punishing the shudras and BCs but keeping in tact the Brahminical Social Order which is the cause of action.
    Quite a number of Bhoodevatas have criticised us for calling the Brahminical people as the country's ruling class. Their defence is there are hardly any Brahmin in the Union Cabinet or the state cabinet. They say the power to rule has percolated from the Brahmins downwards to the landed shudras and Backward Castes. Yes. They are right.
    It is the thought that rules — not the person: Those who pinpoint this are depending upon a concept of "ruling class" which has the power to confuse those who are willing to be confused.
    A ruling class need not necessarily rule —at least not directly. The process and the power of ruling a society comes from a thought. It is the thought that rules — not the person who sits on the chair.
    Whoever that sits in the chair is guided by this very same thought, propounded and promulgated by the Brahmin.
    Whether it is the legislature, judiciary, bureaucracy, the defence forces — they all constitute the sate. The people who function at the different levels of the above limbs of the state may not necessarily be the Brahmin but they are all guided by the supreme Brahminical thought.
    Who can become the temple priest: That is how even to this day the state continues to uphold the principle that a born Brahmin alone must be the temple archaka (priest). The archaka post may be the lowest and the least paid. Yes. The position and pecuniary benefit is not that matters. There are any number of people ready to hold this post for a lesser salary.
    The Supreme Court itself decided that a born Brahmin alone can be the temple archaka and none else. Such a decision is being blindly obeyed because it implies that the person of Brahmin alone is holy, sacred and divine.
    The tirtha (sacred water) can come only from the shankha (conch). What comes out from other things is just water —nottirtha.
    Ruling class need not rule: The rural kulaks and industrial tycoons do constitute a part of the ruling class. But it is subordinate to the Brahmin because his person alone is holy, sacred and divine.
    In other words the ruling class cannot be defined by the act of ruling. It is the thought that rules. Not the person who holds the power. This was so throughout the Indian history. Even during the 800 to 1,000 years of Muslim rule it was the Brahmins who have been the Prime Ministers and the real rulers.
    The ruling class need not necessarily rule but its thought serves the interests of that class as against the interests of the other non-ruling classes.
    Dr. Ambedkar verdict: In other words the govt. has to serve the interests of the ruling class. If it does not, that govt. will be removed.
    How does the ruling class rule? How does the ruling class see that its interests are promoted and protected?
    This question can be easily understood when it concerns the interests of Muslims (15%), Christians (2.5%), Sikhs (2.5%). And particularly the Dalits (20%) and Tribals (10%). Even the Backward Castes (35%). Almost 85% of the country's toiling masses have been complaining ever since "independence" of consistent and continuous discrimination, if not total neglect.
    All of them have invariably pointed their accusing finger at the Brahminical rulers. Dr. Ambedkar was the most prominent among the leaders of this underclass which singled out the Brahminical class as the only cause of their plight and persecution.
    That is how the Indian state has been openly hostile to the interests of the Dalits, tribals, OBCs, Muslims, Christians and Sikhs. Over 85% of the population.
    The state is hostile because the ruling class wants it to be so. The Brahminical interests will be served only if the state is against the interests of the Bahujan Samaj.
    Media keeps out Dalits: The composition of the country's media — print and electronic — will help us understand which is India's ruling class. A survey was made in the capital city of Delhi (DV Edit April 1, 2008: "Media monopoly helps upper castes to rule India by suppressing truth". & p. 5: "Brahmins hold 49% top jobs in national media") and the finding was that the capital's journalistic fraternity is totally Brahminical with hardly any representation from Dalits. There may be here and there some Muslims but they are chosen only after finding out their loyalty to the ruling class.
    Ruling class is the Intelligentsia: Ashok Rudra in his treatise refers to the Indian ruling class. He says the country's Intelligentsia is the ruling class and he defines this class as those "persons who earn their living by the sale of mental labour". This class does not include businessmen. He lists five categories of people:
    (1) White collar employees, (2) employees in govt. services, (3) teachers, lawyers, judges (4) artists, journalists, writers), (5) professional politicians.
    Mischief of middle class: It is this five classes often described in the media as the "middle class" which is the euphemism used to hide the "ruling class".
    Meira Kumar as pet dog: Are there no members of the SC/ST/BC or Muslim/Christian/Sikh in this "middle class"? Yes there are. They will be admitted to this exclusive club of closed coterie only after testing their value system. Once they are found to toe the Brahminical line they will be not only admitted but paraded as a pet dog. Presently Meira Kumar, a Dalit, is on the parade. Farukh Abdullah was hailed as a secular Muslim.
    The ruling class, therefore, need not be necessarily Brahminical. Underdogs ready to eat the Brahminical shit will be its honoured members. That is how an OBC oil crushing lowly jati fellow, Narendra Modi, is being projected as the future PM for his sterling quality of killing 2,500 Muslims in the "Gujarat Genocide – 2002".
    In other words, the ruling class need not necessarily be Brahmin. Bum-lickers are most welcome to join this exclusive club aschamchas and chaprasis to carry out the job of disciplining the SC/ST/BCs and Muslim/Christian/Sikhs.
    What is important is your ideology. Your value system. Not necessarily the caste. To that extent the caste rigidity is relaxed. But not the Brahminical ideology. The thought is not compromised. Underdogs who subscribe to this thought are admitted — of course closely watched.
    A member of the Brahminical ruling class need not be rich. But he must have the ability to propagate the ruling class thought.
    Why Paswan is loved: What is important is the Brahminical thought and the one who upholds this thought need not be a Brahmin. Ram Vilas Paswan, an Untouchable, is the blue-eyed boy of the Brahmins because he is a volatile votary of the Brahminical thought.
    Women's Bill: Women's Reservation Bill is a good example to prove the power of the ruling Brahminical class which wants 1/3 seats in parliament to be reserved for women so that it can fill up parliament with their women.
    But SC/ST/BCs and Muslims say that women's reservation is fine but their women must have the quota within the quota. In a democracy every section has the right to be represented. It is their democratic right but the rulers have denounced the opponents as anti-women and the media is painting them as women-haters. All those who depend on this manuwadi media is made to believe their version. Rulers believe what they want to believe and also make others believe. This is the power of the ruling class.
    Education goes to dogs: There is not a single media except the Dalit Voice which has denounced the proposed women's Bill as anti-woman.
    Take the education field, which is the most important sector to shape the thoughts of the youths. It is here that we find a total domination of the Brahminical class. Its interest is in the higher education to prepare their kids for overseas jobs and kushy living. So much so the entire primary and elementary education has gone to dogs.
    Dismissal from Indian Express: Dangerous values are injected into the veins of the youth through textbooks which are prepared by the Brahminical writers. Education, journalism, TV, cinema, theatre, painting, culture etc. are all dominated by this class. These are the principal thought-manufacturing sectors which are closely guarded. We were dismissed from the Indian Express only because we challenged the Brahminical thought which none dare do.
    Money corruption: India today is considered one among the most corrupt countries in the world. Money corruption is not the only variety of corruptions. Rather, money corruption is the last of the four varieties of corruption: (1) Money corruption, (2) moral corruption, (3) caste corruption, (4) intellectual corruption.
    The last, intellectual corruption, is the worst form of corruption and this field is the total monopoly of the Brahminical rulers.
    Money corruption is the last and the least harmful varieties of corruption.
    Since the rulers themselves are corrupt, every other section in the society has also become corrupt. And that is how the money corruption — the most visible form of corruption — has become so rampant. Supreme Court judges themselves are being mentioned by fellow judges. When the Hindu temples could be the fountain head of corruption every other form of corruption is effectively sealed and safeguarded.
    In other words, it is the thought that has to be clean and sublime. It is the thought which manufactures and shapes an ideology. When the thought itself is corrupt and the media promotes; it, as a country India is simply sinking. (India As a Failed State, DSA-2004).
    Corrupt fellows hailed: The beauty of the Indian society is that it is not happy with an incorruptible person. He becomes an unfit and avoided, if not cursed. His own wife, parents and the family feels the fellow is useless. They say he is unhelpful. Only the corrupt is not only popular but very much liked by the society. Because he adjusts himself to any occasion and any person. That is how the corrupt; person, whether a minister, judge, bureaucrat or any official is extremely popular. It is the incorruptible, simple living person who is called useless and spurned by the society.
    Why the Indian society has come to lionise Khetan Parekh, Harshad Mehta etc. because they corrupted the entire system and the Brahminical rulers carried them on their head as if they are our model.
    Kerala CM hated: Who can save such a society which praises and parades persons who are killers like Narendra Modi, Harshad Mehta. Achutanandan, the most popular CM of Kerala, a man of character, incorruptible, becomes the most hated person in the marxist party.
    Brahminical thought not only grows out of corruption but breeds only corruption — particularly intellectual corruption which is the fountain head of all other three varieties of corruption.
    That is how in the recent parliament election money power was so openly used to win and none bothered about it. Even MPs with criminal past are co-opted because they are all products of Brahminism.
    That is how the our property, posts and wealth are all concentrated in the hands of a micro-minority 15% of the country's 1,200 million population.
    Role of media: All this socialist shibboleth, Aam Admi
    Andolan are bullshit. Brahminical rulers are ruling us only with the help of their Brahminical media.
    The communists are the essential part of this conspiracy to keep the country in the Brahminical hands.
    Caste-wise census, income statistics are all prohibited because that would reveal which castes have prospered at whose cost.
    Poverty yardstick: The rulers have ruled that "economic yardstick" (poverty) should be the sole criterion for backwardness and not the time-tested "caste". Because if caste is taken as the yardstick, over 65% of the SC/ST/BCs and socially backward Muslims and Christians will come under the "Backward list" and if the funds are diverted to their welfare they will gain and challenge the Brahminical hegemony. Right from the Brahminical judiciary, media and the govt. all of them have fallen in line with this Brahminical thought.
    Did we not say that it is the thought that rules and not the person in authority?
    Half the people of India live below the poverty line. And they are entertained and made dumb and deaf by preaching them Hinduthoughts of papa, punya, punar janma (rebirth), fate — all dangerous thoughts which again make them pour their little savings into the coffers of the temples. The proverbial Indian poverty in fact enriches the rulers and helps them remain as rulers.
    The manufacturers of Brahminical ideology (thought) are all flourishing because they help the rulers to keep the 2/3 of the country's havenots as slaves.
    Cricket to entertain the masses: They are entertained by the cricket fever which is yet another ruling class poison to keep the masses enthralled.
    Education system is chaotic. India is shortly becoming the world's largest country of illiterates. Who cares?
    How to keep the SC/ST/BCs and Muslim and Christian poor, powerless and enslaved is the sole guiding rule of the "intelligentsia" who are the country's ruling class. It is this ruling class which provides the leadership to the country.
    Ruling class never identified: This intelligentsia constitutes the Brahminical class — though no writer or speaker has the courage to identify and name this country's principal contradiction — except the Dalit Voice.
    That is how we get a daily dosage of hate mails and even threats. For what? For identifying the enemy oppressor. The Brahminical advice to us is: "You go on writing all your muck without identifying the oppressor" so that the ruling Brahminical class goes on sucking the blood uninterrupted without being identified, without being named.
    They have introduced several provisions in the Indian Penal Code (IPC) to punish and finish those who identify the enemy.
    Parashuram slaughters Kshatriyas: The Kshatriyas, now called Thakurs, immediately "below" the Brahmin in theChaturvarna order (the other name for the caste system), were literally slaughtered in thousands by the Brahmin killer god, Parasurama. The Chitpavan Brahmins, who produced Nathuram Godse, the killer of M.K. Gandhi, proudly displayed the huge cutout of their god at their recent jati conference at Pune.
    Kshatriya surrender: Kerala is called the Parasurama Shristi. The Brahmin-Kshatriya rivalry and hatred was so bitter and deep. But soon they surrendered to Brahmins and since then acted as the bodyguards of the Bhoodevatas. The Vaishya (Banias) has the third-ranking poverty-stricken varna. In Bihar, the Banias are classified under the Backward Castes. It is only M.K. Gandhi who lifted his jatwalas and made them moneybags on the condition they will forever remain loyal to the Bhoodevatas. Today, the Banias earn billions and feed the Bhoodevatas. Perfect understanding.
    That is how the Brahmins co-opted the Kshatriyas and Vaishyas.
    Shudras won over: The shudras, forming the fourth varna of the Hindu Chaturvarna, have been blood enemies of theBhoodevatas. The anti-Brahmin movement that waged during the British rule and immediately after the "independence" was led by the landed shudra castes like the Marathas, Jats, Reddis, Patels, Nairs, Vokkaligas, Mudaliars, Naidus etc. But soon they were also co-opted and that is how the mere 3% Bhoodevatas consolidated their position by enlarging their strength to 15% of the country's population and became the ruling class of India.
    Goodbye to land reform: The shudras are essentially the landed gentry. They were co-opted to the ruling class by not implementing the land reform. In the rural area land is power. The shudra power is allowed to reign supreme and thereby co-opted to the BSO.
    This 15% ruling class has all the wealth, education, ritual status, beauty, caste superiority, personality, landed property. And that is how it became the country's ruling class — guided and supervised by the 3% Brahminical micro-minority intelligentsia — frustrating every socio-economic-cultural "reforms" launched since "independence".
    Swiss Bank account-holders: Of course there are exceptions to the rule. But please note it is the exception that proves the rule. Take the case of the people having secret accounts in the Swiss banks. Or the latest list of multi-billionaires published in theTimes of India. Are there anybody from the SC/ST/BCs? Or even Muslim or Christian? There may be one or two but they are the exceptions that only prove the rule. The rule is the 15% Brahminical Social Order is the ruling class. Manmohan Singh or even his grand father will have no courage to touch the Swiss bank hidden money.
    How the Kshatriyas and Vaishyas were co-opted? The Bhoodevatas used social, economic, political and even psychological weapons to annex them into their fold. Today all the three are together and united. Once the three most powerful dwija varnascame together, annexing the "unthinking" shudras was no problem.
    Gods on earth: That is how the Brahminical people became the unquestioned leaders — not only politically but also economically. What gave the solid strength to their leadership is their supreme ritual status as the Bhoodevatas, meaning the gods on earth.
    Whether it is the Congress, BJP or even the communist parties the Bhoodevatas shall be the guiding spirit. Their unwritten law extends to every sphere — media, education, commerce and industry, judiciary — and even sports which in Hindu India means only cricket — the only "game" that suits the idli sambar grass-eaters.
    Even if there is a revolution in India, it can be led only by a Bhoodevata. That is how E.M.S. Namboodiripad became the country's greatest marxist and finally presided over the death of marxism.
    "Mahatma" shot dead: Budha, Guru Ravidas, Mahatma Phule, Babasaheb Ambedkar, Sri Narayana Guru, Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy and many more worked to destroy this ruling class and its Hindu caste system. And in the process they only got destroyed. The Muslims realised the supreme truth belatedly and sought a separate homeland. The Bhoodevatas used the "Gandhi weapon" to fight the Muslims and as soon as the Mahatma succeeded he was shot dead by a Chitpavan Brahmin (Why Godse Killed Gandhi?, DSA-1997).
    As this is written we are in total darkness. The country itself is sinking, surrounded by deadly enemies all around.
    Even the thinking Bhoodevatas themselves are not getting sound sleep in the night. Anything and everything they touch is turning into charcoal.
    We the oppressed over 85% are helpless. But here we have a unique country — the only one in the world — where the rulers themselves are deeply worried. Feeling insecure. Suspecting their own shadows.
    The country is neither living nor dead. It is brain dead. Its name is "Hindu India".
    http://ugghani.blogspot.com/2009/08/who-is-ruling-india-and-how.html

    Antithesis of Caste and Class - An Orthodox Marxist Hypothesis

    [From Liberation, April 1994.]

    The Debate

    India has been witness to a great social turmoil in recent years where the twin entities of caste and religion have played a major catalytic role. It all came to the fore after VP Singh-led Janata Dal government decided to implement the Mandal Commission recommendations on reservation of jobs to Other Backward Classes in 1990. Although Janata Dal came to power on a plank of anti-Congressism with a tacit support from BJP, the alliance soon ran into rough weather. And interestingly, the two became protagonists of two major socio-political movements in contemporary history of India. Pitted against each other, the movements were popularly known as Mandal and Mandir movements. Janata Dal, in the beginning, enjoyed a much larger support base in its crusade against corruption (Bofors). Its championing of Mandal to the exclusion of everything else, however, vastly eroded its support base and led to a whole chain of political crisis which eventually reduced it to a marginal force in Indian politics.

    Mandal, if one were to believe the rhetoric of VP Singh and his cohorts, would usher in an unparalleled social revolution in India against the forces of statusquoism and obscurantism, the forces who were politically represented by Congress(I) and BJP.

    In an ironic twist of history, Mandal recommendations were implemented by Congress(I) government taking, in the process, much wind out of the Janata Dal sails.

    The crusader in VP Singh dies hard and now it is reduced to the ridiculous demand of a dalit President or a backward Prime Minister, irrespective of his/her ideological-political predilection. Then there is the gimmick of staying away from Delhi till a backward gets employment on the basis of reservation quota. The revolution thus has degenerated into cosmetic reforms and the movement into tokenism.

    As regards reservation proper Janata Dal is now left with the options of opposing the creamy layer verdict and to pressurise for 10 per cent reservation quota for upper castes on economic criterion — a promise that V P Singh made to diffuse the anti-Mandal agitation. Neither of the options, however, can be pursued with any zeal for obvious reasons.

    Political eclipse of Mr.VP Singh and his Janata Dal signalled the rise of Mulayam Singh and Kanshi Ram. Mulayam Singh claims himself to be the natural representative of backwards as compared to VP Singh, the outsider, and invoking Lohia he has couched his politics in a socialist phraseology with a greater force of inheritance and sincerity of purpose. Kanshi Ram, the rising star of dalit politics, on the other hand, invokes the legacy of Ambedkar. Armed with a radical dalit posture and anti-communist phobia he seems to be desperate to outsmart Ambedkar himself.

    These dramatic events have exerted tremendous impact on Indian left and communist movement. While Mandal greatly eroded the communist base among backward peasantry in states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, BSP virtually swept away the traditional dalit support of left parties in Uttar Pradesh. Under the circumstances a polemics has surfaced within the left and communist circles that calls for a new approach to the caste phenomenon in Indian society and, particularly in the backdrop of soviet debacle, to redefine the "orthodox" concept of class. Recent desertion of first-ranking leaders of CPI to Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh, PWG Naxalites swelling the ranks of BSP in Andhra Pradesh and defection of some IPF MLAs to Janata Dal in Bihar bring out the gravity and the complexity of the situation.

    Here I have before me a book titled Caste and Class Dynamics — Radical Ambedkarite Praxis written by one Dr. Thomas Matthew. The author makes interesting observations about the interrelations between caste and class. I shall try to unravel the puzzle of caste and class relationship in course of my critical analysis of the ideas presented in this book.

    The author's avowed aim is to achieve a synthesis of Marxism and Ambedkarism, which according to the author is "the only hope of the teeming millions of India". He takes up this stupendous job in a situation when "Marxian practice, at least the major versions, ended up in historic debacles at the world level" but "Ambedkarite praxis seems to move past its teething troubles in India". Still the synthesis is explained as "absorbing Ambedkarism in the Marxian framework" and not the opposite as one would have normally suspected from the above-mentioned contextual reference. The author's Marxist antecedents are revealed in his acknowledgement of gratitude to Mr.K. Venu "without whose pioneering leadership in attacking Marxist fundamentalism and the concept of 'revolutionary authority' of leadership, it would not have been possible for me to question many Marxist dogmas". More of it later.

    Ambedkar Re-examined

    To proceed. The first part of the book deals with Ambedkar's struggle against Gandhi and Gandhism. This struggle of great historical importance is narrated in Ambedkar's book Congress, Gandhi and the Untouchables, an old copy of whose original edition the author could manage from a Delhi library. This fact is important as the author claims that there have been attempts at modifying and diluting its contents in subsequent editions.

    The author claims that Dr. Ambedkar's analysis and formulations on the ruling classes, Congress and Gandhism were quite different from the official Ambedkarite perceptions. Moreover, "his evaluation about the western parliamentary system and approving references to the Paris Commune and the soviet system exploded all theories that Ambedkar was anti-communist".

    As it comes out, Gandhian approach was basically to undertake some reforms within Hinduism through what is called "constructive work" to secure the support of untouchables behind the savarna leadership of Congress in the freedom struggle. Ambedkar, on the other hand, strove for a radical restructuring of Hinduism to do away with caste system itself and to provide a political platform to the rising dalit aspirations. These two contradictory approaches of Gandhi and Ambedkar defined their relationship with each other, with other communities like Muslims and with the British Government.

    Commenting on Gandhi's economic philosophy Ambedkar wrote, "there was nothing new in the Gandhian analysis of economic ills as attributable to machinery and the civilisation built upon it. These were old and worn out arguments, a repetition of Rousseau, Pushkin and Tolstoy. His economics was hopelessly fallacious because the evils produced by the mechanised production system and civilisation are not due to machinery as such... They are due to the wrong social organisation which has made private property and pursuit of personal gain a matter of absolute sanctity... The remedy therefore is not to condemn machinery and civilisation but to alter the organisation of society so that the benefits will not be usurped by the few but accrue to all."

    In his conflict with Gandhi, Ambedkar undoubtedly emerges as the foremost exponent of a radical socio-economic programme in the freedom struggle.

    From Harijans to dalits — there lies the whole course of transformation in the self-perception of untouchables and none but Ambedkar had been the moving spirit behind this transformation. He was perhaps the first dalit leader, who combined with a fair degree of success the social awakening of dalits with their political assertion.

    Ambedkar's other major contribution was drafting the Constitution of independent India. He shared Nehru's vision of a modern India and in a certain sense exhibited a greater insight than Nehru. In contrast to Nehru's emphasis on discovery of India, he declared, "In believing that we are a nation we are chasing a great delusion. We can only attempt to become a nation-in the-making."

    He opted for a constitutional state socialism, stood for a strong centre, and advocated an economic programme comprising nationalisation of land and its distribution among peasants for collective cultivation and nationalisation of key industries. He believed that such an economic programme backed by state welfare measures positively discriminated in favour of depressed classes will lead to the 'annihilation of caste', his ultimate goal.

    His crusade for social liberation of dalits remained central to him and he parted company with Nehru when Nehru gave in to the conservative pressure on Hindu Code Bill! This further convinced Ambedkar that casteism was basic to Hinduism and dalits have no option but to break out of its fold.

    And thus he embraced Buddhism which he interpreted in a modernistic sense hoping to herald a new socio-cultural awakening among dalits. In the realm of political action he envisaged the formation of the Republican Party as an independent democratic party of the oppressed classes.

    Thus, Ambedkar's crusade reached its crescendo. Unfortunately for him only his community of Mahars joined him in conversion to Buddhism and after his death his political movement represented by the Republican Party of India got splintered and appropriated by the Congress.

    In class terms Ambedkar represented the petty bourgeois stratum of dalits that included the small-medium peasantry. Their particular socio-economic conditions were the basic roots of Ambedkar's radicalism and also the source of his limitations. In given conditions he could only strive for a full-scale development of capitalism and a strong capitalist welfare state which shall be instrumental in breaking the age-old social immobility and inertia. His approving references to some aspects of communist practice and invoking socialist jargons only reveal his radical bourgeois democratic essence. This is not an indictment of Ambedkar. On the contrary, it places him high above many historical figures of his times who stood for a conservative path of capitalist development preserving the "Brahminical-Bania alliances" to use Ambedkar's own phrase.

    Ambedkar's vacillations, compromises and ultimate recourse to a religious praxis too emanate from the same socio-economic conditions of his existence. The inherent limitations of a dalit petty bourgeois to chart out an alternative strategy of freedom movement forced him sometimes to enter into compromises with Gandhi and Congress and at other times to pin hopes on British. The alternative strategy could have been chalked out only by communists who represented the Indian urban and rural proletariat — a good majority of whom came from dalits. A close political alliance with radical bourgeois democrats of all hues must have been an inalienable part of the alternative strategy. Communist Party of India failed to undertake this responsibility. But that is another story.

    Coming back to our author, he is found slipping into the quagmire of idealism while explaining the roots of Ambedkar's vacillations and compromises. Listen to him: "It was the sincerity of purpose, the human weakness and 'forget and forgive' characteristic of the dalits, the oppressed, as opposed to the cunning and calculating nature of the Brahminical classes" that made Ambedkar adjust with Congress over and over again.

    The author laments that "Ambedkarism remained within the confines of bourgeois democratic consciousness" for 'it could not transcend the limit set by its peasant roots".

    To transcend the limits which Ambedkar failed to do our distinguished author embarks on an adventurous theoretical journey. He starts with a queer analysis.

    "Ambedkarism was not rooted in a class with total upward mobility permitting complete merger of the class or even individuals and small groups within the bourgeois system. It represented a peasant society in the process of partial proletarianisation and partial dispossession with an upper crust eagerness for upward mobility being frustrated. It was this phenomenon which destroyed all the efforts at alignment between the untouchables and the ruling bourgeoisie. This was why Dr. Ambedkar was repulsed from the ruling classes after each and every encounter with them. It provides the great potential of Ambedkarism to grow out of limits of bourgeois society."

    Having thus established the potential, the author then takes at face value Ambedkar's certain approving references on Marx, Paris Commune and Soviet system. Combined with Ambedkar's denunciation of twin enemies of Brahminism and capitalism and his advocacy of "Socialist programme", all this is taken to symbolise Ambedkar's journey towards communism. Even conversion to Buddhism is interpreted as an answer to the problems raised by Marxism in general and by its concrete application in India in particular. His religio-political praxis becomes a precursor to the Cultural Revolution and democratic resurgence within Marxist ideology and movement. "In some sense Ambedkar's Buddhist resurrection presaged Mao's Cultural Revolution". This is how our author lays the foundation of synthesis of Marxism and Ambedkarism and in later chapters accomplishes this feat with a great finesse.

    In Search of A Pan-Dalit Unity

    The author finds to his dismay that "immediately after Ambedkar's exit the five-year plans were launched and 'socialism' was adopted by the Congress. The Kaka Kalelkar Commission was set up on reservation for the backward classes. Around the same time, Nehru's Government organised the 2500th of Mahaparinirvana of Buddha at Delhi... Cooperation with Soviet Union also increased." A strange explanation is added thereafter: "Indian ruling classes dispensed with Ambedkar after making up with Stalin."

    While analysing the post-Ambedkar scenario, the author rightly observes the process of upward mobility of various backward communities.

    "In Kerala a numerically strong shudra community has been upgraded as a savarna group, particularly because the Brahmin-Kayastha-Bania population is very insignificant. The Nair community, which was considered a pollutant by the 'gods', is almost the 'God on Earth' now... Another untouchable community, Ezhawas, has made much headway in socio-economic and political terms."

    What is true for Kerala is also true for other parts of India in varying degrees. Land reforms and various other measures of socio-economic upliftment coupled with different varieties of anti-Brahminical mass movements led to this upward mobility of several major backward communities. In Hindi belt, the credit goes chiefly to the Lohiaite socialist movement.

    Every major socio-political upheaval in society is invariably accompanied by broadbasing of the social composition of the ruling classes. Post-British India could not have persisted with the old social alliance of British rule and hence the upward mobility of certain backward communities and appropriation of its privileged members within the ruling classes was an inevitable process. Apart from sharpening backward-forward polarisation in certain states, the process brought in its wake growing class-caste differentiation among and within hitherto backward communities. A notable development was the accentuation of conflict between dalits who were mostly agrarian labourers and intermediate castes of well-to-do peasantry who benefited most from the policies of agrarian development.

    The author, however, ascribes the whole phenomenon of assimillation certain dalit castes, groups and individuals within the ruling system to the "manipulative" skills of cunning Brahminical ruling classes. By dalit castes the author implies the whole spectrum of untouchables and shudracastes — in official parlance Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes — and engages himself in search of a theoretical praxis that encompasses a pan-dalit unity. He finds it in Bahujan Samaj Party.

    "The republican movement foundered on the question of a united front. The party was conceived as a movement of the Deprived Classes to become the ruling class, the political aim of Dr. Ambedkar. But this would not have been possible without alliance with the political forces representing the oppressed sections. Dr. Ambedkar could not give this direction and the party also could not evolve the strategy. If at all they aligned with others it was with the Brahminical ruling class parties. The alternative strategy was to visualise the party framework itself as a coalition of all the oppressed and exploited classes and communities. This, the Bahujan Samaj Party has done. The BSP thus becomes a major theoretical advance in Ambedkarite praxis. The BSP vision is a broader platform covering the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, backward communities and the minorities. It is the most powerful theoretical answer to the Indian ruling class politics of divide and rule."

    Well, how far BSP can build and sustain this pan-dalit unity of author's choice in the face of growing social differentiation is yet to be seen; but to present a pragmatic hotchpotch as a major theoretical advance over Ambedkar is the height of theoretical absurdity. By accusing Ambedkar of failing to give the direction of alliance with the political forces of oppressed sections and rather clinging with the Brahminical ruling class parties, the author is both guilty of ahistorical analysis of Ambedkar as well as distortion of facts.

    The author who had just eulogised BSP with the "most powerful theoretical answer etc." in a perfect theoretical acrobatics immediately switches over to Janata Dal crediting it with the adoption of "same (BSP) platform" while putting forward "Mandal-Masjid plank". More so, the Janata offensive that came from above created much more furore than the Kanshi Ram crusade at grassroots. Moreover, "BSP's partisanism hardly had any friends outside the dalit fraternity (emphasis added). It was a spectacular political feat that the Janata leadership was made to adopt specific and definite social justice plank that represented the common interests of all the oppressed communities. It was the militant socialist tradition of the North Indian belt which spearheaded this ideological coup de grace."

    Mandal Mania

    Almost assuming the role of Janata Dal's spokesperson the author lists various achievements of Janata Dal's social justice plank. AwardingBharat Ratna to Ambedkar; organising his birth centenary celebrations; proportional plan allocation for rural areas, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes; considerable relief to bonded labour, contract labour and agricultural workers; (proposed) relief for organised sector workers; (proposed) right to work as a fundamental right; major relief to peasants; (proposed) massive literacy programme, some breathing space to oppressed nationalities; determined offensive against communal forces on Babri Masjid issue, etc. Bihar Government of Janata Dal comes in for a particular praise because of its extending reservations to judiciary and implementing the principle of proportional allocation of plan funds to Scheduled castes and Scheduled tribes. According to the author, "The Mandal agenda came on the heels of all these measures. The political slogans and the orientation became a real threat to the forces of status quo. "And hence the conspiracy by the ruling classes to dethrone and destroy the Janata Dal". Now the question whether the Mandal agenda came on the heels of aforesaid measures or at the cost of a radical socio-economic programme — particularly to sidetrack the promised right to work as fundamental right remains far from settled. Whether these political slogans and orientations were a real threat to the forces of status quo or a device to strike a balance in the power structure corresponding to the growing socio-economic and political clout of certain backward castes — this question too remains open to scrutiny. Adoption of Mandal recommendation by Congress Government only goes to substantiate the latter postulate. Janata Dal is only distinguished by its opposition to the creamy layer concept, exposing in the process its real essence.

    Our author, however, regards Mandal as the central theme that polarised not only the Indian society but the communist movement as well.

    "All these (Naxalite) movements rooted among dalits have supported Mandal reservation as a democratic measure whereas all the traditional communists rooted in the urban working class have opposed Mandal". "The traditional communist parties wavered and the CPI(M) leadership and even the Indian People's Front, a Naxalite organisation, veered round to the 'economic criterion' principle of the Congress and the BJP."

    This is a clear case of twisting the facts to suit one's theoretical framework. CPI went whole hog with Janata Dal on Mandal issue and even went on record opposing the creamy layer verdict and the so-called economic criterion. CPI(M) never opposed Mandal recommendations and the economic criterion it talked of was in relation to stratification within backward communities and thus it welcomed the creamy layer verdict. Indian People's Front never veered round to the so-called economic criterion. On the contrary, it took VP Singh to task for his advocacy of 10 per cent reservation for economically backwards among upper castes. It firmly held that social and educational backwardness alone can be the criterion for reservation.

    Our Party did welcome the creamy layer verdict because any measure that articulates class differentiation among powerful backward communities can only be supported by Marxists. We know that conditions had matured for the restructuring of power structure and VP Singh only played a catalytic role in that. Thus we refused to endorse Mandal as a harbinger of any social revolution and went on exposing the hypocrisy of Janata Dal, a bourgeois-landlord formation, and zealously guarded our Party's ideological-political and organisational independence.

    Our Party stuck to its position despite a powerful backlash of backwardism, despite Janata Dal's concentrated onslaught against us in Bihar and despite the price we had to pay in the form of defection of some MLAs to Janata Dal. With the Mandal euphoria over our Party is back to the course of rapid advance in Bihar while CPI which had tied itself to Janata Dal's apron strings faces virtual decimation of its traditional mass base, the threat of disintegration and total loss of orientation.

    The author is full of praise for PWG "which called for an Andhra Bandh to protest against the judiciary's highhandedness in the matter... and Janata Dal leaders addressed public meetings supported by the PWG on the Mandal issue." The other Naxalite group that received compliments from the author is of course MCC which is credited with leading the "dalit resistance against upper caste tyranny in Bihar". We also find the mention of Satyashodhak Communist Party which, with Marx-Phule-Ambedkar as its philosophical guide, supposedly offers "an ideological challenge to the parliamentary communist movement".

    The author thus reaches the final stage of his project synthesis and there he seems to have lost all the balance. Look at this gem: "While dalit songs of revolt reverberated in the heavens, the fire and fury of the (Dalit) Panthers, Naxalites and Militants (Khalistanis and Kashmiris) got a theoretical outline. It was this emerging unity of theory and practice that Ram Vilas Paswan tried to capture through Dalit Sena and Ambedkar Centenary Celebrations."

    From Ambedkar to Kanshi Ram to Ram Vilas Paswan! It's really a fantastic journey!

    Caste-Class Antithesis

    The author presents certain novel ideas about caste. "While Marx saw caste as the decisive impediment to India's power and progress, they (Indian Marxists) took caste as a matter of superstructure... Caste being a production relation does not belong to the superstructure, but to the socio-economic base. The biggest theoretical failure of Indian Marxists has been their refusal to recognise caste as part of the substructure of the society." Now, in Marxist discourse, one has definitely heard of an economic base over which all superstructure lies but never of a socio-economic base. The author himself seems perplexed over relating caste to the social as well as economic base. The dichotomy is explained in the following way:

    "Here one has to distinguish between caste as an institution of permanent division of means of production and profession and caste as an attitude of untouchability and discrimination. Caste contains both these aspects, the former belonging to the base and the latter to the superstructure."

    In fact, egalitarian societies got split into class societies with the rise of economic surplus and since then history of all existing societies has been the history of class struggle. In pre-capitalist societies, however, inequalities generated by the surplus were adjusted through a social stratification known as social estates. Internal cohesion among existing clans blocked the class formation in a classical sense, and moreover, socio-political formations based on extra-economic coercion perpetuated the system of social estates. In India the stratification did assume a greater permanence owing to the divine sanction accorded to the caste system and more importantly due to the coexistence of a despotic central power with the self-sufficient village communities.

    Classes are rooted in the mode of production and their respective economic conditions of existence put them in hostile conflict with each other and this accelerates the process of class differentiation in society. Social estates or castes, however, regulate the mode of distribution and thus block the formation of classes as a 'pure' category. Class struggle permeates each and every social and political movement and thus assumes a variety of complicated forms.

    Modern capitalist society accelerates this process of class differentiation and for the first time conditions are created for the self-perception of classes and open class battles. In India too the advent of capitalism and large-scale manufacturing for the first time brought a breach between caste and occupation and there arose a new class of industrial proletariat. The first generation of the proletariat despatched to plantations, mining, textile, jute etc. overwhelmingly belonged to the untouchable and shudra castes and was later joined by the members of upper castes too.

    Factories were thus also the social factories which carried the potential for annihilation of caste. The conservative path of development of Indian capitalism did slowdown this process of class differentiation. The parliamentary democracy gave a new lease of life to caste stabilisation as new dominant social classes fought their battles for share in political power by invoking caste equations. And the economism and parliamentarism practised by social democrats corrupted the vision of working class as the class-for-itself. Still, in comparison to the intelligentsia which remained overwhelmingly composed of upper castes, working class is the cauldron of melting caste identities. The new era of globalisation and liberalisation has started disorganising the organised sector of workers and it is once again rising from slumber to resume its historical mission.

    So, class is the basic category. In certain historical situations it may express itself in the form of castes, in other situations the two may be interwoven, overlapping and at the same time criss-crossing each other, and in yet another situation castes are disintegrated to crystallise as classes. This is how the antithesis between two proceeds, until the caste as the regulator of mode of distribution stands annihilated.

    Our distinguished author, however, feels otherwise. He condemns Indian communists for mechanically applying the European categories in the Indian conditions and questions the very search of industrial proletariat in India. "Indian industrial working class, which they (Marxists) took to represent the proletarian, is not in fact proletarian. It was also a class born with a silver spoon. It largely belonged to the upper echelons of caste hierarchy. It not only had landed property in the villages and towns, but also inherited intellectual property which the masses lacked. They were not the dispossessed proletarians who had nothing to lose but chains. They were a class whose militancy and radicalism was linked with the rich peasant consciousness and ended with the Kulakisation in Rural India."

    The author makes a curious distinction between Indian and Western intellectuals. "Western intellectual has nothing other than his mental labour power. In India, knowledge transcends its domain of religion and philosophy and enters the phase of material production and society. Science, knowledge and skill get separated from physical labour and assume dominance in the production... Hence declassing of Indian intellectual becomes a very difficult task." Make a head or tail of all this meaningless talk if you can. Such an unabashed praise of western intellectual, however, does signify the 'declassing' of Mr.Author. Western intellectuals, the possessors of so-called mental labour-power(!), have been essentially bourgeois and petty bourgeois intellectuals engaged in the service of bourgeois society. Open class battles of working class brought a split among them and a section associated itself with the working class. Marx, Lenin and countless others represent that section. Proletarian revolutions, however, encountered, and continue to encounter, a tough resistance from their overwhelming majority.

    In contrast, petty-bourgeois intelligentsia in India despite its vacillations and upper caste bias joined progressive democratic and left movements in far greater numbers. The Naxalite movement in particular effected the integration of a large number of petty bourgeois youth with the dalit landless labour.

    The author is greatly concerned about educated dalits gravitating towards Brahminism and turning into dalit aristocracy fostered by the bribes and privileges from the state. In explaining this phenomenon he brings in the comparison of Indian dalit vis-a-vis the western proletariat! "While the proletariat fought to regain their mastery over the tools and products of labour which they possessed in the immediate past, the dalits had been dispossessed for generations. The pride, glory and honour were fresh in the memory of the revolutionary proletariat; but the dalit battle was to regain the human personality, which was lost over generations of slavery, untouchability and thralldom. The class was vulnerable enough to fall prey to ruling class stratagems of ideological subversion and cooption." A strange logic! Everything western is good, everything Indian is bad. How come then a whole stratum of labour aristocracy the social base of social democracy arose in the west? How come a dalits in revolutionary struggles played a consistent heroic role in India? A section of labouring people always get co-opted with the system and there is nothing East-West about that. In author's analysis, the whole class of dalits, being "vulnerable enough to fall prey to ruling class stratagems", stands condemned. Ironically, it is to this class that the author accords the leadership to what he prefers to call "Dalit Democratic Revolution".

    Dalit Democratic Revolution

    For the author, 'dalit' represents all the castes and strata discriminated against by the Brahminical ruling classes. Thus, he emphasises a Dalit Democratic Revolution. Organised sector workers, intelligentsia, professionals belonging to upper castes can only be the wavering and undependable ally.

    National bourgeoisie, however, constituting the emerging bourgeois elements of the backward classes and oppressed minority nationalities can of course be consistent ally, more so in the context of increasing globalisation and the growing grip of the Brahminical ruling classes over the centralised state.

    Rural proletariat as well as proletarian sections in the unorganised and informal sectors belonging to dalit castes will be the leader. And of course, poor peasants or semi-proletarians as well as peasantry at large coming from dalit and shudra castes will be staunch ally.

    The whole revolution has thus been turned upside down. Working class being the undependable ally whereas national bourgeoisie being the consistent ally. This revolution author claims will destroy the Brahminical social order and chart the path of genuine democracy. But the author here clearly evades the mention of social order — capitalist or socialist — that the revolution will establish.

    The author thus arrives at the united front of all the backward classes and communities as against "class reductionism" and "working class centrism". This he proclaims, as the biggest breakthrough in the Marxist dogma. Biggest breaking through Marxism indeed!

    Coming to the specific economic programme of Dalit Democratic Revolution, the author rejects Ambedkar's programme of land nationalisation and its distribution to cultivators including the landless untouchables with special state assistance. The author argues that "dalits have realised that emancipation lies in ownership of land which means 'power' in rural India" and also "the Ambedkarite prescription of distribution of nationalised land by the state misses the essential element, people's consciousness, that becomes a dynamic material force through direct dalit action for land". He advocates "agrarian revolution through land distribution at the instance of (!) landless and land-poor. Land should be distributed to the agricultural communities on the basis of their proportion in the population. The mode of organisation of production could be left to the democratic decision of the respective communities."

    The author opposes the Ambedkar's programme of nationalisation of key industries under the pretext that the state sector is always used in the interest of the ruling classes. He advocates rather privatisation of public sector by distributing public shares equally to the people.

    The author fails to understand that it is only the industrial working class through its control over big industries which can undertake any radical agrarian transformation and also control and transform the national bourgeoisie and thus effect the transition from a democratic to socialist revolution. Leadership of working class is thus inbuilt in a new democratic revolution, new only because it shall pass over to socialism and doesn't stop at capitalism. Rural and unorganised proletariat — attached as they are with the lower stage of mode of production can never effect this transition on their own. Their limitations are accepted by the author himself when he talks of land distribution only at the instance of landless and leaves the entire organisation of production to peasant communities themselves. It is just a programme of status quoism in the countryside to keep higher rungs of backward caste peasantry — staunch ally of Dalit Democratic Revolution in good humour.

    State sector does serve the ruling classes no doubt, but it also raises the solidarity of working class at the national level and educates them in socialist consciousness in the sense that capitalist owner can be dispensed with and industries can be run by a paid management under working class control. That is why Lenin said that socialism is just a step ahead of state capitalism.

    The broad united front, if at all it materialises, will inevitably transfer the leadership to the national bourgeoisie and shall only ensure the domination of kulaks of backward castes over the rural poor. The programme of Dalit Democratic Revolution is actually the maximum limit of the most radical of Janata Dal men and our author has not been able to transcend that limit.

    Taking his cue from Ambedkar, the author had embarked upon building a model of revolution "on the grammar of caste society with the dynamics of class struggle". He only succeeded in building a model of reform at the full stop of class struggle with the statics of caste society.

    Synthesis Par Excellence

    The ambitious project synthesis was based on the one hand on rejection of economism, parliamentarism and the dogma of leadership of the industrial working class in Marxist theory and practice, and on the other on the rise of Ambedkarism from petty bourgeois peasant politics to the consciousness of liberation. In the process, first casualty was Marxism and then the radical economic vision of Ambedkarism on which alone Ambedkar, to a great extent, had based his hopes of dalit liberation.

    The end product of the strenuous exercise of his mental labour power spread over 140 pages and priced at Rs. 150 has been the hybrid of K Venu and Ram Vilas Paswan at the level of theory and of Janata Dal and PWG-MCC at the level of practical politics. Many many kudos to the author for laying bare this unholy alliance which we had been hinting at for long.


    http://www.cpiml.org/archive/vm_swork/28antithesis_of_caste_and_class.htm

    WHY I AM NOT A HINDU:

    A Sudra Critique of Hindutva Philosophy, Culture and Political Economy

    by Kancha Ilaiah

    Let me make it clear, however, that I am not writing this book to convince suspicious brahminical minds; I am writing this book for those who have open minds. My request to brahmin, baniya and neo-kshatiya intellectuals is this: For about three thousand years you people learnt only how to teach and what to teach others – the Dalitbahujans. Now in your own interest and in the interest of this great country you must learn to listen and to read what we have to say. A people who refuse to listen to new questions and learn new answers will perish and not prosper…

    LABOUR AS LIFE

    For Dalitbahujans labour is life. For a Dalitbahujan body, labour is as habitual as eating is to the stomach. In fact, every Dalitbahujan body produces more than it consumes. As a result, Dalitbahujan life recreates itself in labour more than it recreates itself through eating and drinking. While labouring, a Dalitbahujan mind does not disengage from thinking but goes on producing ideas that make labour a pleasure. If labour is not pleasure, if Dalitbahujan minds do not derive pleasure out of that labouring process, given the low levels of consumption on which they subsist, Dalitbahujan bodies would have died much earlier than they do. Even if Dalitbahujans were to consider work as a monotonous, tortuous course of life, given the amount of labour that they expend during their lifetimes, death would have invited them much earlier than it does today.

    If without giving up such a practice of labouring, and labouring with pleasure, when adequate calories of food are provided, a Dalithahujan body will live longer and more healthily than the non-labouring 'upper' caste/class body.

    In the process of labour Dalithahujans engage in a constant intercourse with the land. Their thorough understanding of land and its producitivity, its colour and combination, is solely responsible for increase in productivity. Even before 'knowledge from without' (what we call urban-based, expert knowledge) influenced Dalitbahujan productive skills, they had been experimenting constantly to improve their labour productivity, trying to understand scientifically the relationship between land and seed. They also tried to understand the relationship between the seed and human biological systems. Before cross-breeding was studied in modern laboratories, the Dalitbahujans had cross-bred seed systems. Dalitbahujan women selected and preserved seeds for planting. They maintained huge stores of plant genes. They grafted plants and worked out whole systems of hybridization. All this knowledge was a product of their labour and its creative intercourse with land and nature.

    Dalitbahujan labour has creatively interacted with a whole range of non-agrarian plant systems. Dalitbahujans who were engaged in sheep-, goat- and cattle-breeding made tireless investigations of plants and their medicinal values. These investigations were done with an exemplary combination of physical labour and mental acumen. Dalitbahujan knowledge never separated physical labour from mental labour. In India this bifurcation took place in a caste/class form. For Dalitbahujans, physical and mental labour was an integrated whole. If we want to understand the process by which the contradiction between mental and physical labour is resolved as Mao did in the Chinese context, we must return to studying carefully the way the Dalitbahujan societies of India combined mental and physical labour, without a so-called wise man intervening, in the process of labouring to integrate, break open, reintegrate and finally discover new systems.

    The Dalitbahujan masses have enormous technological and en~ gineering skills which are not divorced from their labour. One who lifts dead cattle also knows the science of skinning it. They themselves know how to process the skin and make chappals, shoes or ropes. All these tasks involve both mental and physical labour. This work is not like reading the Vedas or teaching in a school. Reading the Vedas or teaching in a school does not require much investment of physical labour or creative thought. Certain types of mental labour may not involve physical labour, but all physical labour involves mental labour. Dalitbahujan society has shown exemplary skill in combining both. Take, for example, the Goudaas who climb the toddy trees and combine in themselves the talent of mind and the training of body. While climbing the tree a Goudaa has to exercise his muscle power. He has also to invent ways of climbing tall trees which do not have branches. While climbing, if he does not focus his mind on every step the result is death. A Brabmin dance teacher, while dancing certainly combines both physical and mental labour but does not encounter a risk in every step. Despite this, why is it that brahminical dance has acquired so much value? Why is it that brahminical dance is given so much space in literature? Why not celebrate the beauty and skill of a Goudaa, which over and above being an art, science and an exercise has productive value. As I have already discussed, the tapping of a toddy tree layer by layer, involves enormous knowledge and engaged application besides physical and mental skill. Tapping the gela in a way that makes the toddy flow, but does not hurt the tree, cannot be done by everybody. It needs training and cultivation of mind. Training in this specialization is much more dangerous and difficult than training in reading the Vedas. All the same a Hindu is told to respect and value the training to read Veda mantras, but not the Goudaa skills of producing something which has market-value and consumption-value.

    Hindu Brahminism defied all economic theories, including feminist economic theory, that all market-oriented societies valued labour which produced goods and commodities for market consumption. Feminist economic theory points out that though women's labour in the house contributes to the economy, it does not find social respectability or receive economic compensation. In the brahminical economy Dalitbahujan labour (male or female) even if it is produced for market consumption has no value. On the contrary, the so-called mental labour of the Brahmins and the Banlyas reciting mantras and extracting profit by sitting at the shop desk has been given enormous socioeconomic value. Herein lies the Hindu delegitimization of productive creativity. The brahminical economy even devalued production for the market and privileged its spiritual-mental labour over all other labour processes.

    Brahminical scholarship legitimized leisure, mantra, puja, tapasya and soothsaying, though these are not knowledge systems in themselves. Scientific knowledge systems, on the contrary, are available among the Dalitbahujan castes. A pot maker's holistic approach to knowledge which involves collecting the right type of earth, making it into clay, turning it on the wheel, and firing it requires knowledge of local materials and resources, scientific knowledge of the clay and the firing process, besides a sharp understanding of the market. It requires mental skill to use the fingers, while physically turning the wheel, skill to convert that clay into pots, pitchers and jars—small or big—of all kinds. Firing is an equally skill-intensive process. The oven has to be heated to an exact temperature and the pots baked just long enough for them to become durable and yet retain their attractive colour. This whole scheme is a specialized knowledge in itself. Thus, Kamsalies (goldsmiths) have their own scientific knowledge, Kammaris (blacksmiths) theirs, and Shalaas (weavers) theirs. But all these arts and sciences, all these knowledge systems have been delegitimized. Instead of being given social priority and status, mantric mysticism has been given priority. These knowledge systems will get socioeconomic value only when their legitimacy is established.

    Hinduism constructed its own account of Dalitbahujan knowledge systems. As discussed earlier, while the Dalitbahujans live labour as life, the Hindus inverted this principle and privileged leisure over labour. The ancient theoretical formation of the thesis leisure as life was propounded by Vatsyayana in the Kamasutra, where he constructs a nagarika (citizen) as one who embodies this notion. This very theory was reinstated at different stages of history whenever brahininical Hinduism was in crisis, or whenever Dalitbahujan organic forces rebelled against Hindu theory and practice. As we saw, the 1990 anti-Mandal Hindutva wave again aimed at reviving the 'leisure as life' theory as against the Mandal movement that aimed at universalizing labour as life' (irrespective of caste, everyone should do both manual labour and work in an office). In other words, it aimed at dalitizing Indian society.

    The whole world has overcome the theories of privileging leisure over labour. Whether it is countries like Japan and China or in the West itself, labour has acquired more market value and social status than leisure. Mandalization of the Indian state and society would have integrated us into these universal systems. But Hindu Brahminisrn reacted to this historical transformation and started the counter-revolutionary Hindutva movement by reemphasizing leisure, mantra and moksha as basic principles which will undermine the onward march of Indian society. But a quicker development of Indian society lies in privileging labour over leisure. Only Dalitization of the whole society can achieve this goal…

    This of course will require that they [the upper castes] unlearn the many things. The task is much more difficult with the Brahmins /'//'and the Baniyas than it will be with the neo-Kshatriyas. Yet another major area of Dalitization will be to push the Brahmin-Baniyas into productive work, whether it is rural or urban. Both men and women of the so-called upper castes will resist this with all the strength at their command. This is because among them Hinduism has destroyed all positive elements that normally exist in a human being. During the post-colonial period their energies were diverted to manipulate education, employment, production and development subtly. Their minds are poisoned with the notion that productive work is mean and that productive castes are inferior. No ruling class in the world is as dehumanized as the Indian brahminical castes. They can be rehumanized only by pushing them into productive work and by completely diverting their attention from the temple, the office, power-seeking, and so on.
    http://www.swaraj.org/shikshantar/resources_ilaiah.htm

    India: Dalit weapon of 'caste identity' to defeat Brahminism

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    Written by EditorRupeeNews on May-13-11 8:42am
    From:  pakistanpatriot.com
    A portrai of Dalit leader Rettamalai Srinivasan. Image via Wikipedia
    Shri VT. Rajsshekar
    Bangalore: Look at the big changes.Muslims masses are gradually joining Dalit and OBC parties led by Mayawati, Mulayam Singh, Lalu Parsad, Sharad Pawar etc. Muslim leadership is dying.
    Remember, how Shahabuddin was once called the "Second Jinnah" by the Brahminical media as though Jinnah sahib, the greatest leader, was bad. Remember how some Hindu MPs had shouted "Jai Shri Ram" in Indian Parliament soon after the Babri Masjid demolition. Muslims of the whole country were shocked at this but the Muslim MPs of Kashmir shouted back saying Allaho Akbar.
    This was the turning point. Muslims were being slowly driven to the wall. They had no further space to go. Since the Cashmiri Muslims lost all hopes and were forced to turn violent. The got the support of the Muslims from Azad kashmir, Pakistan itself and also from Afghanistan. Each organisation formed its own independent fighting front and launched armed resistance. The J&K Police, Ikhwan Renegades, and security forces, all muslims, were forced to fight their own brothers. Then the Indian security forces were sent from Delhi. They also met with fierce resistance. After killing many and getting killed in large numbers, they realised athat those whome they were killing were Dalits and shudra sepoys and jawans, whose brothers inside India were themselves vistims of continuous Hindu atrocities.
    About the author: Shri V.T. Rajshekar, its Editor and founder, Dalit Voice, the English fortnightly, has become the country's most powerful "Voice of the Persecuted Nationalities Denied Human Rights".
    A veteran journalist, formerly of the Indian Express, powerful and fearless writer, V.T. Rajshekar, had to face the wrath of the ruling class, arrested many times, several jail sentences, passport impounded and subjected to total media boycott.
    Published in several Indian languages including Hindi, Dalit Voice has become the sole spokesman for the entire deprived, dehumanised lot of India. Besides the Dalits, it looks after the interests of Backward Castes (35%) and the country's three persecuted religious minorities — Muslims 15%, Christians 2.5%, and Sikhs 2.5% — all victims of the Aryan Brahminical racism. Plus the women of all sections including the Hindu women.
    In the course of the last 25 years, DV has become India's largest circulated journal of the oppressed, fighting against mainstream dailies and periodicals which have totally ignored the plight of the original inhabitants. Hence DV is rightly hailed as a new experiment in Indian journalism.
    Only DV has diagnosed the disease of India which is an exception to all other countries in the world. If others have only "classes", India has not only the "class" but the world's most unique institution of caste system, which is the other word for racism. Here lies the success of DV. It goes to all world famous libraries, universities and invited many Afro-American delegations to India.
    Its Editor is hailed as India's most original thinker, scholar and also philosopher. As India's most famous Dalit writer, he has authored over 60 world-famous books dealing with the problems of caste, ethnicity, Muslims, Christian, Sikhs, Marxism, Brahminism, Racism, Gandhism, Fascism etc.
    Over 100 books have been published by the Dalit Sahitya Akademy, its sister organisation, also headed by the Editor.
    His book, Dalit – The Black Untouchables of India, published from the USA (Clarity Press, Inc., Suite 469, 3277 – Roswell Rd NE, Atlanta, GA.30305, ISBN 0-932863-05-1 , 2003 – 2nd print), has gone into several reprints uniting for the first time the Blacks of the world with the Black Untouchables of India.
    His most important book, Caste — A Nation Within the Nation, which has gone into second print, is a marvellous thesis offering an ingenious weapon of "caste identity" to defeat Brahminism, the destructive ideology of the ruling class. In the latest Parliament election, the oppressed castes of India used this weapon and defeated the country's Brahminical party (BJP).
    DV becomes the future media of India where its dailies and periodicals are slowly dying. Because only DV offers a lasting solution as the authentic voice of the country's tallest titan,Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the Father of India.
    Shri V.T. Rajshekar,
    Editor,
    Dalit Voice
    #101, Shiv Deep Residency, Shivbagh, Kadri, Mangalore- 575 002
    Mobile No: 0-776 044 0596
    e-mail: dalitvoice@rediffmail.com mailto:dalitvoice@rediffmail.com
    home: http://www.dalitvoice.org/

    Dharma (Part 2): Varnashrama-dharma

    Key Points

    • Varnashrama-dharma – duties performed according to the system of four varnas (social divisions) and four ashrams (stages in life).
    • Focus is on responsibilities (which naturally fulfil the rights of others).
    • Four varnasbrahmanas (priests, teachers, and intellectuals), kshatriyas (police, army, and administration), vaishyas (farmers, merchants, and business people), shudras (artisans and workers).
    • Four ashrams – student life, household life, retirement, and renunciation.

    According to Hindu texts, Varnashrama-dharma is not a man-made system but refers to natural classifications that appear to various degrees in all human societies. Individuals have different innate tendencies for work and exhibit a variety of personal qualities. There are also natural phases in life, when it is easier and more rewarding to perform certain activities. Hinduism teaches that individuals best realise their potential by taking into account such natural arrangements, and that society should be structured and organised accordingly.
    Each varna and ashram has its own specified dharma. What may be desirable for one section of society may be degrading for another. For example, absolute non-violence, which includes refraining from animal sacrifice, is essential for the priestly class but considered wholly unworthy of a kshatriya (warrior). Generating wealth and producing children are essential for householders, but intimate contact with money and women is spiritually suicidal for the renunciate. Underlying all these apparent differences is the common goal of advancing in spiritual life based onsanatana-dharma. Without the spiritual equality and sense of service inherent in sanatana­dharma, varnashrama-dharma tends to degrade into the rigid and exploitative caste system.

    Useful Analogy

    The social body

    The social body and its components are likened to the human form.brahmanas as the head, kshatriyas as the arms,vaishyas as the belly (or thighs) and the shudras as the legs
    • Social functions are determined according to this analogy. For example, the brahmanas are the eyes and mouth of society. They provide a spiritual vision for society and teach people accordingly. Just as the arms are raised to defend the body, the kshatriya's main duty is to protect society. The vaishya's main duty is material nourishment, and the shudra supports all other sections of society.
    • The ashrams are sometimes related to the same metaphor, with the successive stages of student life, household life, retirement and renunciation represented by the legs, belly, arms and head respectively.

    Related Stories

    Gautama's Disciple.

    How varna is truly determined. (see Varnashrama and Caste)

    The Brahmana and the Cobbler (STO-113)

    How character is more important than status.

    Related Practices

    All practices relating to the execution of one's familial and social duties according to varna and ashram. These include many of the rites of passage.
    The caste system and its practice, and the issue of untouchability, as addressed by Mahatma Gandhi and other reformers (seeReform Movements).

    Related Values/Issues

    • The notion of a classless society.
    • Rights and responsibilities.
    • All types of inequality.
    • Varnashrama as a basis for categorising diversity in human society.

    Personal Reflection

    • Is it desirable to divide society according to each person's natural tendency for a particular type of work, and form educational, political, trade, or labour associations for co-operative and mutual support?
    • Do teachers need personal and professional qualifications, or should anyone be able to take the job?
    • Is a person qualified as a teacher simply because his father and mother were both teachers? Does he generally have a better chance?
    • Do natural classifications exist and can they be useful? Are they all merely man-made and exploitative?
    • How does your school apply varnashrama-dharma principles? Are there various year groups, for example? And within each year, are all students required to study the same subjects?

    Common Misunderstandings

    Caste and varnashrama are synonymous

    Mahatma Gandhi, the most famous opponent of caste abuse, actually believed in the original principles of varnashrama-dharma. The system of four varnas (with subdivisions) was based on mutual support and service, allowing for upward and downward mobility. The caste system, as it has now become, is rigid and hereditary, often motivated by exploitation and a desire to maintain the status-quo. (see Reform Movements for more information on Gandhi; also Social Issues)

    Scriptural Passages

    "According to the three gunas and the work associated with them, the four divisions of human society are created by Me."
    Lord Krishna, in Bhagavad-gita 4.13

    Meaning and Purpose

    • Is the universe naturally hierarchical?
    • What are my duties as a human being?

    Quote

    "The distinction between varna and caste is well known to anthropologists ... even if it is ignored by some authors ... (who) use the word caste when what they mean is clearly varna."
    Dr. D. Killingley

    For More Information

    see Dharma section starting here as well as Social Issues, Varnashrama, Caste, Bhakti Saints, and Reform Movements
    http://hinduism.iskcon.org/concepts/108a.htm

    Varna (Hinduism)

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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    Varna refers to the categorization of the Hindu society by four castes, hypothesized by the Brahmins and their sacred texts. This quadruple division is not to be confused with Jāti or even the much finer division of the contemporary caste system in India.[1] The four varnas, or chatur varna, are mentioned in ancient texts in the following (stratified) order, from top to bottom,[2]
    The first three varna are considered Arya, and thus allowed to participate in Vedica rituals from which the non-Arya Shudra varna is excluded.[4]
    Separate and shunned by the society were the "untouchables" like the Chandaal (cāṇḍāla), who had to deal with the disposal of dead bodies and are described as dirty and polluted. There was a belief that one's Karma in the past, resulted in one's condition in this birth. "Now people here whose conduct is good can expect to quickly attain a pleasant birth, like that of a Brahmin, the Kshatriya, or the Vaisya. But people of evil conduct can expect to enter a foul womb, like that of a dog, a pig, or a Chandaal".[5]
    The varna system of Hindu society is described in the various Puranas and Smritis, among others.Manusmriti, is one of many Dharmashastra texts reflecting the laws and society of Maurya period India and being a reference work for the Brahmins of Bengal especially, was relied upon by the British colonial administrators and scholars based in Calcutta, the capital city. Manusmriti was almost unknown south of the Vindhyas. The modern Hindu caste system recognizes many more social groupings not mentioned in the Hindu scriptures and only theoretically accepts the necessity of following prescribed duties. Caste politics is a controversial issue in the contemporary Republic of India.

    [edit]Etymology and origins

    Further information: varṇa (disambiguation) and trifunctional hypothesis
    Varna is a Sanskrit term varṇa (वर्ण) is derived from the root vṛ, meaning "to cover, to envelop" (compare vṛtra). Derived meanings include "kind, sort, character, quality". All these meanings are already present in the Rigveda's use of the word.
    The meaning "class of men, tribe" in the Rigveda refers to the division between Aryas and Dasa.[6] The earliest application to the formal division into four social classes appears in the late Rigvedic Purusha Sukta (RV 10.90.11–12), which has the Brahman, Rajanya (= Kshatriya), Vaishya and Shudra classes made of the head, arms, thighs and feet of the primordial giant, Purusha, respectively. Other Vedic texts and the Manusmriti, a law text dating to roughly between 200 BCE and 200 CE follow suit.
    The varna classification was first described, almost in passing, in the Purush Sukta of the Rgveda 1090.
    Rigvedic evidence of such a quadruple division of society has been compared to similar systems, especially with a view to reconstructing hypothetical Proto-Indo-European society. Such comparison is at the basis of the trifunctional hypothesis presented by Georges Dumézil. Dumézil postulates a basic division of society into a priesthood (Brahmins), warrior class or nobility (Kshatriyas) and commoners (Vaishyas), augmented by a class of unfree serfs (Shudras), as was done in ancient Iran and Greece as well (where the fourth class is called pan-Hellenes).

    [edit]Hindu tradition

    The Purusha Sukta in the Rig-Veda 10:90 refers to the four principal varnas, although the word varna is not used, described in Manu's code, viz. Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. They are compared to the body of the "primordial man" or Purusha: "The Brâhmana was his head, of both his arms was the Râjanya made. His thighs became the Vaishya, his feet became the Sûdra" (RV 10.90.12) This model is often cited for its hierarchical ordering of the varnas, however, by the same logic the model also implies the concept of interdependence and interchangeability of the varnas. Furthermore reading this mantra within the entire context of the Purusha Sukta, which also describes the Purusha as the origin of the Sun (from his eye), the Moon (from his mind), the sky (from his head), air (from his navel), horses, cattle, etc. leads one to the conclusion that the entire Sukta is emphasizing the point that all these come from the original Purusha.[citation needed]
    Many Hindu yogis and sages have, over the centuries, constantly commented about inheriting social status. Ramanujacharya initiated people from all castes into his tradition, and broke taboos by inviting them to his house for food. Shri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu (15th century), the powerful bhakti of Krishna also denounced inheriting social status. He famously distributed the Hare Krishna mantra to all around India, claiming this was the True path to moksha.[citation needed]
    Kanakadasa of the 15th century also denounced inherited social status. He believed that Life in every human being is Divine, and that only the ignorant wrought injustice against their own brethren by this practice. Basavanna of the 12th century is said to have denounced inherited social status and tried to unify all communities under the Linga (form of Shiva).[citation needed]

    [edit]Dharmaśāstras

    The concept of dharma deals mainly with the duties of the different varṇas and āśhramas (life cycles).
    Manusmriti is often quoted in reference to the Varna system as an inherited social class system. However, the Hindu rightists usually point out that the Manusmṛti is a later work that does not form a part of Hindu Scriptures, so it is of questionable relevance. The rightists content that the Manusmṛti has been used by British colonialists, politicians and sociologists to denigrate those of the Hindu faith.[7]
    The Manusmṛti claims that by the time it was written in ancient times, Hindu society included another class (untouchables) of people without a position in any of the four Varnas and therefore associated with the lowest of the jobs. The upper classes, who were supposed to maintain ritual and corporal purity, came to regard them as untouchables. The people of this "fifth varna" are now called Dalits (the oppressed) orHarijans; they were formerly known as "untouchables" or "pariahs". However, this last addition social strata is not a part of the religion of Hinduism. Hinduism only categorizes occupations into four categories.

    [edit]"Twice born"

    The first three varnas are seen as "twice born" and they are allowed to study the Vedas. In India and Nepal the sub-communities within a varna are called "jat" or "jati" (the varna is also used instead of jat). Traditionally, individuals are allowed to marry only within their jati. People are born into a jati and normally it cannot be changed, though there were some exceptions in Hindu Scriptures. For example, the sageVishwamitra was born as a Kshatriya and by deep tapas (meditation) became a venerable Brahmin rishi. Good deeds during ones lifetime can allow a low class jati member to ascend to the upper class and study the Vedas as a Brahmin priest.

    [edit]Traditional occupations

    The occupations of the Vaishya are those connected with trade, the cultivation of the land and the breeding of cattle; while those of a Kshatriya consist in ruling and defending the people, administering justice, and the duties, of the military profession generally and ruling and expounding all dharma. Both share with the Brahmin the privilege of reading the Vedas. To the Brahmin belongs the right of teaching and expounding the sacred texts. Shudras were the serfs, and performed agricultural labour.
    Manusmriti assigns cattle rearing as Vaisya occupation, however there are sources in available literature that Kshatriyas also owned and reared the cattle and cattle-wealth was mainstay of their households.Emperors of Kosala and Prince of Kasi are some of many examples.[3]

    [edit]Tantric view

    The Tantric movement that developed as a tradition distinct from orthodox Hinduism between the 8th and 11th centuries CE[8] also relaxed many societal strictures regarding class and community distinction. However it would be an over generalization to say that the Tantrics did away with all social restrictions, as N. N. Bhattacharyya explains:
    "For example, Tantra according to its very nature has nothing to do with the [class] system but in the later Tantras [class] elements are pronounced. This is because although many of our known Tantric teachers were non-Brāhmaṇas, rather belonging to the lower ranks of society, almost all of the known authors of the Tantric treatises were Brāhmaṇas."[9]

    [edit]Varna and jāti

    Main article: Jāti
    The terms varna (general classification based on occupation) and jāti (caste) are two distinct concepts: while varna is a four-part division of all Hindu groups, jāti (community) refers to specific endogamous groups. Generally a sub-community is divided into exogamous groups based on same gotras (गोत्र). The classical authors scarcely speak of anything other than the varnas; Indologists sometimes confuse the two.[10]

    [edit]Modern India

    [edit]Opposition within Hinduism

    Critics point that the effect of communities (jatis) inheriting varna was to bind certain communities to sources of influence, power and economy while locking out others and thus create more affluence for jatis in higher classes and severe poverty for jatis in lower classes and the outcaste Dalit. In the last 150 years Indian movements arose to throw off the economic and political yoke of an inherited class system that emerged over time, and replace it with what they believed to be true Varnashrama dharma as described in the Vedas.
    Swami Krishnananda, a foremost disciple of Swami Sivananda and former General Secretary of the Divine Life Society, noted the following about inherited social status in his autobiography:
    While the [varna] system was originally evolved for the necessary classification of human duty in order to preserve the organic stability of society, its original meaning and its philosophical foundation was forgotten through the passage of time, and bigotry and fanaticism took its place through the preponderance of egoism, greed and hatred, contrary to the practice of true religion as a social expression of inner spiritual aspiration for a gradual ascent, by stages, to God Almighty. Vidura, famous in the Mahabharata, was born of a Shudra woman. But he had the power to summon the son of Brahma, from Brahmaloka, by mere thought. Which orthodox Brahmin can achieve this astounding feat? It is, therefore, necessary for everyone to have consideration for the facts of world-unity and goodwill, Sarvabhuta-hita, as the great Lord mentions in the Bhagavad Gita. Justice is more than law. No one's body is by itself a Brahmin, because it is constituted of the five gross elements,- earth, water, fire, air and ether. Else, it would be a sin on the part of a son to consign to flames the lifeless body of a Brahmin father. It is, therefore, not proper to victimise a colleague by an action plan of any religious community wedded to fundamentalist doctrines.
    [1]
    Paramahansa Yogananda also opposed what he called to the un-Vedic inherited social status as we know it today. He taught that varna originated in a higher age, but became degraded through ignorance and self-interest. Yogananda said:
    These were (originally) symbolic designations of the stages of spiritual refinement. They were not intended as social categories. And they were not intended to be hereditary. Things changed as the yugas [cycles of time] descended toward mental darkness. People in the higher [classes] wanted to make sure their children were accepted as members of their own [class]. Thus, ego-identification caused them to freeze the ancient classifications into what is called the 'caste system.' Such was not the original intention. In obvious fact, however, the offspring of a brahmin may be a shudra by nature. And a peasant, sometimes, is a real saint.
    —Conversations with Yogananda, Crystal Clarity Publishers, 2003

    [edit]See also


    [edit]Further reading

    • Ambedkar, B.R. (1946) Who were the Shudras?
    • Alain Danielou (1976). Les Quatre Sens de la Vie, Paris
    • Sri Aurobindo (1970), The Human Cycle, The Ideal of Human Unity, War and Self-Determination, (Sri Aurobindo Ashram Trust), ISBN 81-7058-281-4 (hardcover), ISBN 81-7058-014-5 (paperback)
    • Ravi Batra, "The Downfall of Communism and Communism: a New Study of History", Macmillan, New York, NY, USA, 1978
    • Sohail Inayatullah, Understanding P. R. Sarkar: The Indian Episteme, Macrohistory and Transformative Knowledge, Brill Academic Publishers, 2002, ISBN 9004128425.
    • Elst, Koenraad Update on the Aryan Invasion Debate. 1999. ISBN 81-86471-77-4 [2]
    • Kane, Pandurang Vaman: History of Dharmasastra: (ancient and mediaeval, religious and civil law) -- Poona : Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1962–1975
    • "Brahmanotpatti-martanda" Harikrishna Shastri, (Sanskrit), 1871
    • Jati Bhaskar", Jwalaprasd Mishra, (Hindi), published by Khemaraj Shrikrishnadas,1914.
    • G.S. Ghurye (1961). Caste, Class and Occupation. Popular Book Depot, Bombay.
    • G.S. Ghurye (1969). Caste and Race in India, Popular Prakashan, Mumbai 1969 (1932)
    • Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar (1967) Human Society-2, Ananda Marga Publications, Anandanagar, P.O.Baglata,Dist. Purulia, West Bengal, India.
    • Ghanshyam Shah, Caste and Democratic Politics in India, 2004
    • Welzer, Albrecht. 1994. Credo, Quia Occidentale: A Note on Sanskrit varna and its Misinterpretation in Literature on Mamamsa and Vyakarana. In: Studies in Mamamsa: Dr Mandan Mishra Felicitation Volume edited by R.C. Dwivedi. Delhi: Motilal Banarasidass.
    • Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age, by Susan Bayly and Gordon Johnson.

    [edit]External links

    *

    Look up varna in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.


    [edit]References

    1. ^ Mark Juergensmeyer, (2006) The Oxford Handbook of Global Religions (Oxford Handbooks in Religion and Theology), p. 54
    2. ^ Rigveda 10.90, Taittiriya Samhita 7.1.1.405, Aitareya Brahmana 7.19, Shatapatha Brahmana 1.14.12, Pancavimsa Brahmana 6.1.6-11, etc.; see Macdonell and Keith, Vedic Index, II, 247sqq
    3. ^ a b Arun Kumar (2002). Encyclopaedia of Teaching of Agriculture. Anmol Publications PVT. LTD.. pp. 411–. ISBN 9788126113163. Retrieved 4 July 2011.
    4. ^ in the Yajurveda: Katha Samhita 17.5, Taittiriya Samhita 4.3.10.1-3, Vajasaneyi Samhita 14.28-30, Macdonell-Keith II 252, note 42
    5. ^ Chhandogya Upanisad 5.10,7
    6. ^ Macdonnel-Keith, Vedic Index II 247 sq.
    7. ^ From Manusmriti to Madhusmriti F
    8. ^ Flood, Gavin, "The Śaiva Traditions" in: Flood (2005; paperback edition of Flood 2003) p.208
    9. ^ N. N. Bhattacharyya. History of the Tantric Religion, p. 44-5.
    10. ^ Dumont, Louis (1980), Homo hierarchicus: the caste system and its implications, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 66–67, ISBN 0-226-16963-4
    • Lal, Vinay (2005), Introducing Hinduism, New York: Totem Books, pp. 132–33, ISBN 9781840466263

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    Categories: Varnas in Hinduism
    Why Do India's Dalits Hate Gandhi?
    By Thomas C. Mountain
    20 March, 2006
    Countercurrents.org

    In India, supposedly the worlds largest democracy, the leadership of the rapidly growing Dalit movement have nothing good to say about Mohandas K. Gandhi. To be honest, Gandhi is actually one of the most hated Indian leaders in the hierarchy of those considered enemies of India's Dalits or "untouchables" by the leadership of India's Dalits.
    Many have questioned how could I dare say such a thing?
    In reply I urge people outside of India to try and keep in mind my role as the messenger in this matter. I am the publisher of the Ambedkar Journal, founded in 1996, which was the first publication on the internet to address the Dalit question from the Dalits viewpoint. My co-editor is M. Gopinath, who includes in his c.v. being Managing Editor of the Dalit Voice newspaper and then going on to found Times of Bahujan, national newspaper of the Bahujan Samaj Party, India's Dalit party and India's youngest and third largest national party. The founding President of the Ambedkar Journal was Dr. Velu Annamalai, the first Dalit in history to achieve a Ph.d in Engineering. My work with the Dalit movement in India started in 1991 and I have been serving as one of the messengers to those outside of India from the Dalit leaders who are in the very rapid process of organizing India's Dalits into a national movement. The Dalit leadership I work with recieved many tens of millions of votes in the last national election in India. With that out of the way, lets get back to the 850 million person question, why do Dalits hate M.K. Gandhi?
    To start, Gandhi was a so called "high caste". High castes represent a small minority in India, some 10-15% of the population, yet dominate Indian society in much the same way whites ruled South Africa during the official period of Apartheid. Dalits often use the phrase Apartheid in India when speaking about their problems.
    The Indian Constitution was authored by Gandhi's main critic and political opponent, Dr.Ambedkar, for whom our journal is named and the first Dalit in history to receive an education (if you have never heard of Dr. Ambedkar I would urge you to try and keep an open mind about what I am saying for it is a bit like me talking to you about the founding of the USA when you have never heard of Thomas Jefferson).
    Most readers are familiar with Gandhi's great hunger strike against the so called Poona Pact in 1933. The matter which Gandhi was protesting, nearly unto death at that, was the inclusion in the draft Indian Constitution, proposed by the British, that reserved the right of Dalits to elect their own leaders. Dr. Ambedkar, with his degree in Law from Cambridge, had been choosen by the British to write the new constitution for India. Having spent his life overcoming caste based discrimination, Dr. Ambedkar had come to the conclusion that the only way Dalits could improve their lives is if they had the exclusive right to vote for their leaders, that a portion or reserved section of all elected positions were only for Dalits and only Dalits could vote for these reserved positions.
    Gandhi was determined to prevent this and went on hunger strike to change this article in the draft constitution. After many communal riots, where tens of thousands of Dalits were slaughtered, and with a leap in such violence predicted if Gandhi died, Dr. Ambedkar agreed, with Gandhi on his death bed, to give up the Dalits right to exclusively elect their own leaders and Gandhi ended his hunger strike.Later, on his own death bed, Dr. Ambedkar would say this was the biggest mistake in his life, that if he had to do it all over again, he would have refused to give up Dalit only representation, even if it meant Gandhi's death.
    As history has shown, life for the overwhelming majority of Dalits in India has changed little since the arrival of Indian independence over 50 years ago. The laws written into the Indian Constitution by Dr. Ambedkar, many patterned after the laws introduced into the former Confederate or slave states in the USA during reconstruction after the Civil War to protect the
    freed black Americans, have never been enforced by the high caste dominated Indian court system and legislatures. A tiny fraction of the "quotas" or reservations for Dalits in education and government jobs have been filled. Dalits are still discriminated against in all aspect of life in India's 650,000 villages despite laws specifically outlawing such acts. Dalits are the victims of economic embargos, denial of basic human rights such as access to drinking water, use of public facilities and education and even entry to Hindu temples.
    To this day, most Indians still believe, and this includes a majority of Dalits, that Dalits are being punished by God for sins in a previous life. Under the religious codes of Hinduism, a Dalits only hope is to be a good servant of the high castes and upon death and rebirth they will be reincarnated a high caste. This is called varna in Sanskrit, the language of the original Aryans who imposed Hinduism on India beginning some 3,500 years ago. Interestingly, the word "varna" translates literally into the word "color" from Sanskrit.
    This is one of the golden rules of Dalit liberation, that varna means color, and that Hinduism is a form of racially based oppression and as such is the equivalent of Apartheid in India. Dalits feel that if they had the right to elect their own leaders they would have been able to start challenging the domination of the high castes in Indian society and would have begun the long walk to freedom so to speak. They blame Gandhi and his hunger strike for preventing this. So there it is, in as few words as possible, why in todays India the leaders of India's Dalits hate M.K. Gandhi.
    This is, of course, an oversimplification. India's social problems remain the most pressing in the world and a few paragraphs are not going to really explain matters to anyones satisfaction. The word Dalit and the movement of a crushed and broken people, the "untouchables" of India, is just beginning to become known to most of the people concerned about human rights in the world. As Dalits organize themselves and begin to challenge caste based rule in India, it behooves all people of good conscience to start to find out what the Dalits and their leadership are fighting for. A good place to start is with M.K. Gandhi and why he is so hated by Dalits in India.

    Thomas C. Mountain is the publisher of the Ambedkar Journal on India's Dalits, founded in 1996. His writing has been featured in Dalit publications across India, including the Dalit Voice and the Times of Bahujan as well as on the front pages of the mainstream, high caste owned, Indian press. He would recommend viewing of the award winning film "Bandit Queen" as the best example of life for women and Dalits in India's villages, which is the story of the life of the late, brutally murdered, Phoolan Devi, of whose international defense committee Thomas C. Mountain was a founding member. He can be reached at tmountain@hawaii.rr.com
    http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-mountain200306.htm

    03 December, 2010

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    A Human Rights Perspective

    By Dr.Samir Naim Ahmed

    All the cities of the world have been affected by globalization. However it affected cities of the south differently than cities of the north due to the mechanisms of globalization of the world market which has led to the widening of the gap between the north and the south and between the rich and the poor. This paper discusses how this has been associated with economic, social and spatial polarization within the cities of the south and assesses the impact of this polarization on the different aspects of human rights of the people in a southern cosmopolitan city

    26 September, 2010
    Manufacturing Dissent": The Anti-Globalization Movement Is
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    By Michel Chossudovsky

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    06 April, 2010

    Globalisation And Terror

    By Helena Norberg-Hodge

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    By Helena Norberg-Hodge

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    27 February, 2010

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    By Helena Norberg-Hodge

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    26 February, 2010

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    12 February, 2010

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    18 November, 2009

    Globalization Unchecked: How Alien Media Is

    Suffocating Real Culture

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    Globalization is not a fair game, of course. Those with giant economies get the lion's share of the 'collective' decision-making. Those with more money and global outlook tend to have influential media, also with global outlook. In both scenarios, small countries are lost between desperately trying to negotiate a better economic standing for themselves, while hopelessly trying to maintain their cultural identity, which defined their people, generation after generation throughout history

    19 April, 2009

    From Corporate Strategy to Global Justice

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    02 January, 2009

    Beyond Resistance And Cooption

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    Resisting privatization and promoting a people's agenda for reclaiming and controlling public services in this era of neo-liberal globalization cannot be achieved under the neo-liberal frame!

    25 February, 2008
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    And Cooperation In The Age Of Globalization
    By Dr. Aqueil Ahmad

    India and China are two of the world's most ancient civilizations. For centuries they shared advanced ideas, inventions, religious and philosophical traditions. But their economies and societies stagnated during the colonial period. In the post-colonial era mutual relations suffered a setback due to political and boundary disputes. In contemporary times they have reemerged as leading techno-economic nations. It is high time for them to move beyond conflicts and start cooperating politically, economically, and technologically for mutual benefits

    12 February, 2008

    Towards Corporate City-States?

    By Aseem Shrivastava

    While the details are unclear, the broad political consequences of SEZs are fairly clear. By shifting the very mode of governance towards the corporate sector, they will render unaccountable and opaque decision-making which will have long-lasting and widespread consequences for the citizens of the country. Not only will the formal success (and consequent expansion)of SEZs threaten more lives and livelihoods in the countryside, they will institute an autocratic labour regime in the workplace. In this and other ways already explored in the essay, they will undermine democracy in India in profound respects and might well pioneer a full-scale transformation of the political system in the direction of formal corporate totalitarianism through the via media of autonomous corporate city-states

    10 September, 2007
    Book Review:Making Globalization Work
    By Jim Miles
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    22 June, 2007
    Displacing Farmers: India Will Have
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    By Devinder Sharma
    Almost 500 special economic zones are being carved out. What is however less known is that successive government's are actually following a policy prescription that had been laid out by the World Bank as early as in 1995
    07 June, 2007
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    By Md. Saidul Islam
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    28 May, 2007
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    By Kavaljit Singh
    Transfer pricing, one of the most controversial and complex issues, requires closer scrutiny not only by the critics of TNCs but also by the tax authorities in the poor and the developing world. Transfer pricing is a strategy frequently used by TNCs to book huge profits through illegal means
    26 May, 2007
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    30 April, 2007
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    India Needs Her Small Farmers
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    21 April, 2007
    Human Rights And Globalization
    By Dr Samir Naim-Ahmed
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    11 April, 2007
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    03 March, 2007
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    26 February, 2007
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    Markets Hate Farmers
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    22 February, 2007
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    31 October, 2006
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    Task On Running Unions -Role Of The State
    By V.Krishnamurthy
    Present environment in India is reflecting the spirit drawn from the fascist ideals. Some ardent believers are for honest implementation. So, State, an oppressive power is slowly erasing the rights of trade union. The freedom expression to voice against corporates is being slowly chocked. Judiciary is speaking Liberalisation of economy and curbing of labour rights
    22 September, 2006
    Society And Suicide
    By Amit Chamaria
    Sociologically, the incident of farmer suicides in Punjab, Andhra Pradesh, and Maharashtra due to indebtedness is actually the result of the combined effect of 'Relative deprivation' and 'Sudden crises', which came in the category of anomic suicide. Significantly, the feelings of relative deprivation are the outcome of the first green revolution and these feelings has been augmented by the present market policy of Globalization
    11 August, 2006
    Arrogance And Impunity - Coca-Cola In India
    By Amit Srivastava
    In what can only be characterized as arrogance and impunity, we are learning that Coca-Cola and Pepsi have continued to sell soft drinks in India with dangerously high levels of pesticides - three years after even the government of India confirmed that these products were dangerous
    25 April, 2006
    The Corporate Control Of Society
    And Human Life
    By Stephen Lendman
    As corporations have grown in size they've gained in power and influence. And so has the harm they cause - to communities, nations, the great majority of the public and the planet. Today corporate giants decide who governs and how, who serves on our courts, what laws are enacted and even whether and when wars are fought, against whom and for what purpose or gain
    22 April, 2006
    Coke Slammed At Shareholders Meeting
    For Practices In India
    By Haider Rizvi
    As the level of anger and resentment against Coca Cola touches new heights throughout India, rights activists in the U.S. have increased pressure on the company to mend its ways of doing operations in rural areas
    13 February, 2006
    Indian Villages For Sale
    By Devinder Sharma
    Harkishanpura is a non-descript village in Bathinda district of Punjab in northwestern India. It suddenly made its way into news when in an unprecedented move the village panchayat announced that the village was up for sale. That was in Jan 2001. Since than five more villages in Punjab - in the midst of the food bowl of the country - are awaiting auction
    19 December, 2005
    Empire Of Shame
    A Conversation With Jean Ziegler
    Translated from the French By Siv O'Neall
    Jean Ziegler, rapporteur at the UN on questions of food resources has just published a book translated in 14 languages: Empire of Shame. Here in this interview Jean Ziegler presents his work
    17 December, 2005
    The WTO in Hong Kong
    By Mark Engler
    Is market access the answer to poverty?
    23 September, 2005
    Globalisation Of Education
    By K V Sagar
    Any hasty involvement in the global educational market can end up in harming the vital interests of students, and particularly of poor and downtrodden for generations to come
    20 August, 2005
    Coca-Cola Ordered To Stop Production
    By The Hindu
    The Kerala State Pollution Control Board on Friday ordered stoppage of production at the Palachimada unit of the Coca-Cola Company in Palakkad district for failure to comply with pollution control norms
    04 June, 2005
    Court To The Rescue Of Coca Cola
    By Karthika Thampan
    In an unprecedented judgement Division Bench of the Kerala High Court directed Perumatty gramapanchayath (local council) to renew within one week from Wednesday, the licence granted by the panchayat to Hindustan Coca Cola Beverages Ltd to run its plant at Plachimada in Palakkad district, in the south Indian state of Kerala. The court ordered that if a formal licence is not issued by the panchayat within the time prescribed, it should be deemed that the company possesses the renewed licence
    27 April, 2005
    Coca-Cola Refused Licence
    By Karthika Thampan
    The Perumatty grama panchayath (local council) yesterday refused to renew the licence of Hindustan Coca-Cola Beverage Limited at Plachimada, in the Indian state of Kerala
    18 April, 2005
    How Coca-Cola Gave Back To Plachimada
    By Alexander Cockburn
    An on the report of the water theft done by Coca Cola company at Plachimada, Kerala, in India, with institutional and judicial support
    India Adopts WTO Patent Law
    With Left Front Support
    By Kranti Kumara
    In a move designed to make India's patent legislation conform with the World Trade Organization's Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) patent regime, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government has pushed a patent amendment bill through India's Parliament with the support of the Left Front
    07 March, 2005
    An Evening With P. Sainath
    By Niranjan Ramakrishnan
    Fluent in his subject and familiar (rather too well, it appeared at times) with the American lecture circuit, Sainath sprinkled his talk with interesting factoids about the rich-poor divide, the politics of SARS, why he stopped drinking Coke and Pepsi, and a host of other gems
    06 March, 2005
    An Economic Hit Man Speaks
    By Kathyayini Chamaraj
    One of the exciting events at the World Social Forum (WSF) at Porto Alegre in Brazil this year in the last week of January, was a dialogue with John Perkins, the author himself, who, from being an economic hit man, has now crossed over to the "other side" and joined those who have all along believed that "Another world is possible"
    22 February, 2005
    The Law For Food Facism
    By Vandana Shiva
    The Food Safety Law 2005 p is a dismantling of the PFA. It is in effect the legalizing of adulteration of India's entire food system with toxic chemicals and industrial processing
    21 February, 2005
    U.S. Dominates World Bank Leadership
    By Alex Wilks
    There is a vacancy for the most senior post in official world development circles, a job that is of direct interest to billions of people across the globe. The process and candidates are shrouded in secrecy and the only candidates in the running are U.S. citizens
    15 February, 2005
    The Indian Seed Act And Patent Act:
    Sowing The Seeds Of Dictatorship
    By Vandana Shiva
    In India two laws have been proposed – a seed Act and a Patent Ordinance which could forever destroy the biodiversity of our seeds and crops, and rob farmers of all freedoms, establishing a seed dictatorship
    13 January, 2005
    Why Boycott Coca Cola
    By Mohammed Mesbahi
    Coca Cola's appalling human rights record, combined with its high boycott vulnerability ratio make it the ideal target for a boycott. Max Keiser, investment activist, and Zak Goldsmith, editor of the Ecologist, have formed a partnership to target Coca Cola by bringing down the value of its shares
    12 November, 2004
    Hedge Fund To Target Coca-Cola
    By Adam Porter
    American Max Keiser has teamed up with some other "high net worth individuals" to create a boycott-based financial assault on Coca-Cola
    09 November, 2004
    Things Grow Better With Coke
    By John Vidal
    Indian farmers have come up with what they think is the real thing to keep crops free of bugs. Instead of paying hefty fees to international chemical companies for patented pesticides, they are spraying their cotton and chilli fields with Coca-Cola
    06 November, 2004
    Crime and Reward: Immunity To The World Bank
    By Anu Muhammad
    The government of Bangladesh has submitted a bill seeking legal immunity for multilateral lending agencies, especially the World Bank on 31st October 2004 in the national parliament
    11 October, 2004
    Globalization And The Agenda For A Free
    And Democratic South Asia
    By Anu Muhammad
    The increasing collaboration of ruling classes in the form of unity and conflict demands much more increasing collaboration in the form of unity in thoughts and in struggles from the democratic and revolutionary forces
    26 August, 2004
    WTO Tricks
    By Devinder Sharma
    The July 31 WTO framework agreement, agreed upon by 147- members in Geneva has drawn a structure that needs to be implemented for furthering the Doha Development Agenda.No sooner the details began to be analysed, it became clear that the developing countries had not only been duped but robbed in the daylight
    11 August, 2004
    Funding For Vanuatu's Rural Electrification
    By Ching Ching Soo
    Who can provide the investment for an energy supply for small communities who do not have significant cash incomes, who are dispersed over mountains and seas, usually without local experience in technical and financial aspects of an energy system and largely without the economic linkages for exploiting electricity-based small enterprises?
    05 August, 2004
    Monsanto Prevails In Patent Fight
    By Kristen Philipkoski
    The Canadian Supreme Court upheld a ruling against a farmer who used genetically modified canola seeds patented by Monsanto while replanting his field. The farmer maintained that he inadvertently used seed that had blown into his field
    01 August, 2004
    Kerala - Loss Of All Hope
    By Saji P. George
    The student community has joined the farmers in seeking the 'final solution' in the economically and socially ravaged state of Kerala, a classic case study of neo-liberal globalisation
    20 July, 2004
    Mounting Sucides: Urgent Need To
    Save Wayanad Farmers
    By P Krishnaprasad
    In the recent years, Wayanad, a tiny hill district in Kerala famous for its spices and coffee plantations, has been in the news for the widespread suicides by distressed farmers - a phenomenon that is becoming increasingly commonplace in rural India as a result of implementation of free market economic policies
    18 July, 2004
    US Prisons vs Indian Call Centres
    By Indo - Asian News Service
    Competition is brewing for Indian call centres from an unlikely source, American prisons.
    15 July, 2004
    The Fantasy of "Fair Globalisation"
    By Sukomal Sen
    The recent publication" Fair Globalisation: Creating Opportunities for All", produced by the World Commission on Social Dimension of Globalisation, appears as a formal recognition of the unfair and inhuman character of globalisation
    29 June, 2004
    Indian Farmer's Final Solution
    By Devinder Sharma
    Ever since Andhra Pradesh chief minister Y.S.Rajasekhar Reddy took charage on May 14, more than 300 farmers have committed suicides. This was the official death toll in the suicides register till June 25. Unofficially, the death toll is estimated to be much higher
    22 June, 2004
    World Bank Rebuked For Fossil Fuel Strategy
    By Paul Brown
    The World Bank's drive to promote fossil fuel-generated power for 1.6 billion people lacking electricity will drive developing countries deeper into debt
    20 June, 2004
    Debt Trap Or Suicide Trap?
    By RM Vidyasagar and K Suman Chandra
    About 3,000 Andhra Pradesh farmers committed suicide in the past five years owing to debt trap, drought and crop failure. After the government of Y S Rajashekhar Reddy announced free electricity for agriculture , waiver of electricity dues and a Rs.150,000 financial assistance for the relatives of the farmers who committed suicide , there is a spate of suicides, on an average 70 farmers a week
    18 June, 2004
    Let's Plant Ideas
    By Fidel Castro
    The dilemma into which humanity has been dragged by the system is such that there is no option now: either the present world situation changes or the species runs a real risk of extinction. But let's not lose heart, Let's plant ideas
    27 May, 2004
    Suicide For Survival
    By Binu Mathew
    According to official figures, 50 farmers have died since the Y S Rajashekhar Reddy government took over on May 14. However, according to the Andhra Pradesh Rythu Sangam, a farmers outfit of CPI(M), 92 farmers have killed themselves in the last two weeks. According to another estimate, 220 farmers have committed suicide from Jan 1 to May 13
    28 April, 2004
    Earth's Riches Should Help the Poor
    By Desmond Tutu and Jody Williams
    It is a cruel irony that countries around the world that suffer from some of the highest rates of poverty, disease, corruption, violent conflict and human rights troubles are also - at least on paper - some of the richest
    05 April, 2004
    The Suicide Economy Of Corporate Globalisation
    By Vandana Shiva
    The Indian peasantry, the largest body of surviving small farmers in the world, today faces a crisis of extinction. More than 25,000 peasants in India have taken their lives since 1997
    30 March, 2004
    Coca-Cola Hunger Strike Ends In Union Win
    By Jana Silverman
    A 12-day-old hunger strike to protest Coca-Cola labor policies in Colombia ended March 27 in a rare victory for the National Food Industry Workers Union
    26 March, 2004
    Outsourcing In The Developing
    And Developed World
    By Huck Gutman
    Outsourcing is despair for some, and job and jubilation for others. But it is always a race to the bottom, a search for the lowest wages and the highest profit for the multinational corporations
    17 March, 2004
    India Reacts With Dismay To US
    Legislation On Outsourcing
    By Kranti Kumara
    Outsourcing has become a phenomenon that's restructuring the labour relations around the world, undermining the life source of some and benefitting some others but always benefitting the transnational corporations. No solution is possible outside of a political struggle waged by the working class against the profit system as a whole
    13 March, 2004
    Consensus Is Emerging On The Destructive
    Effects of Globalization
    By Joseph Stiglitz
    A new report, issued by the International Labor Organization's commission on the social dimensions of globalization, reminds us how far the Bush administration is out of line with the global consensus
    07 March, 2004
    The Sale of India : ONGC Disinvestment
    A U.S. financier, Warren Buffet, who has close links with the "military-industrial complex" is the main buyer in the disinvestment of the state owned oil company ONGC of India.It is a take-over of India's oil resources by American oil-interests
    06 March, 2004
    Outsmarting Terrorism With Outsourcing
    By Naomi Klein
    Thomas Friedman's argument that outsourcing "low-wage, low-prestige" jobs will prevent the third world youngsters becoming suicide bombers and make life safer for the American youth smacks of racism
    31 January, 2004
    Fighting The Cola Giants In Kerala
    By R Krishnakumar
    The World Water Conference at Plachimada adds immense strength to the local people's fight against the exploitation of their groundwater resources by Coca-Cola and Pepsi
    13 January, 2004
    Towards A People Centred Fair Trade
    Agreement On Agriculture
    By Vandana Shiva
    All rewriting of trade rules for agriculture is being driven by the same forces and interests that brought agriculture into the Uruguay Round of GATT, with its genocidal impacts on peasants and the poor
    05 January, 2004
    Coffee In The Times Of Globalisation
    By Josh Frank
    The global coffee industry has endured colossal changes over the past fifty years. Production of beans has shifted from country to country in the interest of transnational corporations pushing the price to historical lows and impoverishing millions of farmers
    05 November, 2003
    Fuzzy Words And Sharp Bullets
    By Satya Sagar
    Smokescreen of the global media has been dispensed with and the real messages in our times come from the armed forces of the imperialist powers. While their words have become fuzzier, their bullets have become sharper
    30 October, 2003
    Outsourcing Culture
    By Jeremy Seabrook
    Call centres may be creating thousands of jobs for Indians - but the price they pay is a loss of culture and alienation
    26 October, 2003
    The Flight To India
    ByGeorge Monbiot
    The jobs Britain stole from the Asian subcontinent 200 years ago are now being returned
    22 October, 2003
    Global Trade Keeps A Billion Children In Poverty
    By Maxine Frith
    More than one billion young people in the developing world are now living in conditions of severe deprivation, according to a report for the Unicef
    15 October, 2003
    IMF Confidential
    By Greg Palast
    To reduce its deficit per IMF decree, Argentina had cut $3 billion from government spending-a cut that was necessary, the authors note here, to "accomodat[e] the increase in interest obligations." The Secret Documents the Masters of the Universe Would Rather You Not See
    19 September, 2003
    Why It's Good That The Trade Talks Broke Down
    By Anuradha Mittal
    Cancun is not a failure -- for it offers a lesson: Strong-arm tactics are not going to work any more. And no agreement is better than a bad agreement
    17 September, 2003
    Cancun, A New Beginning
    By Devinder Sharma
    First Seattle in 1999, and now the sudden death at Cancun 2003, the developing world has demonstrated that it will no longer take it lying down. Their anger and rebellion has already caused the biggest derailment to the development agenda. And, rightly so
    16 September, 2003
    The Collapse In Cancun And
    The Transformation Of The Global System
    By Andreas Hernandez
    The collapse of the WTO negotiations in Cancun was the result of a tremendous organizing by the global south. It directly challenged the neoliberal world and might be the first visible signs of the possibility of a social democratic turn in the global system
    WTO Kills Farmers: In Memory of Lee Kyung Hae
    By Laura Carlsen
    On September 10, opening day of the Fifth Ministerial of the World Trade Organization, Lee Kyung Hae climbed the fence that separates the excluded from the included and took his life with a knife to the heart
    14 September, 2003
    Free Trade Is War
    By Naomi Klein
    The brutal economic model advanced by the World Trade Organization is itself a form of war because privatization and deregulation kill--by pushing up prices on necessities like water and medicines and pushing down prices on raw commodities like coffee, making small farms unsustainable
    11 September, 2003
    Developing Countries Take Early Initiative
    By C. Rammanohar Reddy
    On the eve of the formal opening of the World Trade Organisation's ministerial conference, a 20-member coalition of developing countries led by India, Brazil, China, South Africa and Argentina, has taken centre stage with its distinctive proposals for reform of global trade in agriculture
    10 September, 2003
    Battle Lines Drawn At Cancun
    By Stephen Castle
    Europe and the United States - so often economic enemies - arrive at crucial world trade talks today lined up against some of the poorer nations, insisting that developing countries must make their share of concessions
    Protectionism Trumps Free Trade At The WTO
    By Mark Weisbrot
    At the Cancun ministerial conference one bone of contention is the international trade in pharmaceuticals. On one side are most developing countries and humanitarian groups who want poor people to have access to cheap, generic, essential medicines. Against this proposition stand the big pharmaceutical companies, backed by their governments in the United States and Europe
    06 September, 2003
    The Real Cancun: Behind Globalization's Glitz
    By Marc Cooper
    A de facto economic and social apartheid keeps the two worlds of Cancún--the served and the server--quite distant except when conducting necessary business
    19 August, 2003
    Heat On Cold Drinks
    By Arjun Sen
    Coke and Pepsi may be following the Enron foot steps in India, unless they do not answer the grave environmental and safety questions raised against them
    07 August, 2003
    No More Coke And Pepsi
    In Indian Parliament
    Indian Parliament banned from its premises the soft drinks manufactured by Pepsi and Coca-Cola following allegations by a non-governmental organisation that they contained toxic pesticides
    Tests Confirm Toxicity In Sludge From Coke Plant
    By P. Venugopal
    Tests conducted by the Kerala State Pollution Control Board (KSPCB) have confirmed recent media reports about the toxic nature of the sludge generated by Coca-Cola's bottling plant at Plachimada, in Kerala's Palakkad district
    06 August, 2003
    Residues Of Toxic Pesticides In 12 Soft Drink Brands
    The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) today announced that 12 soft drink brands collected for testing from in and around Delhi contained residues of four extremely toxic pesticides and insecticides — lindane, DDT, malathion and chlorpyrifos
    02 August, 2003
    Abandoning Agriculture
    By Devinder Sharma
    The dreams of billions of farmers have been completely shattered,who were initially promised the stars when the WTO was formally launched. It is only a matter of time before the collapse of agriculture in the developing world triggers massive displacements from the rural areas
    01 August, 2003
    Coke Accused Of Supplying Toxic Fertiliser To Farmers
    By George Iype
    BBC investigative report reveals that the sludge produced by
    the Coca Cola factory in Kerala contains dangerous toxic chemicals that are polluting the water supplies, the land and the food chain
    31 July, 2003
    WTO In Montreal
    By Aziz Choudry
    Wherever we live, let's make sure that the world's free traders get no satisfaction in Montreal, Cancun and beyond
    28 July, 2003
    One Billion suffer Extreme Poverty
    By David Rowan
    The UNDP report notes that 54 nations are poorer now than they were in 1990.The populations of 21 countries are hungrier today than in 1990.
    24 July, 2003
    Coke vs People
    By Paul Vallely, Jon Clarke and Liz Stuart
    In the Kerala state of India impoverished farmers are fighting to stop drinks giant 'destroying livelihoods'
    Boycott Coca-Cola!
    By Andy Higginbottom
    An international boycott of Coca Cola products have been launched after eight Colombian Coca Cola workers were assassinated
    20 July, 2003
    We Are Sitting On A Volcano
    By Arthur Mitzman
    It is centuries since humanity anticipate an alarmingly bleak future for its coming genearations
    15 July, 2003
    A Global Left Turn?
    By Andreas Hernandez
    As the imperialist forces were waging a war to colonize Iraq a silent revolution was occuring on the other side. Signs of a new global order have begun to unfold. This tremendous organizing on a global scale, directly challenges a uni-polar world
    10 July, 2003
    Global Poverty and Progressive Politics
    by Thabo Mbeki
    If Progressive Politics is to Have Any Meaning, it Must Start From the Reality That You Can't Overcome Global Poverty Through Reliance on the Market
    09 July, 2003
    Our water, Their Profits
    By Jonathan Leavitt
    Twenty years from now, there will be a war somewhere in this world, but that war will not be an "oil war" but a "water war"
    25 June, 2003
    Coffee, The Deadly Embrace
    By Ben Gregory and David McKnight
    A report of the Seventh Welsh Delegation to Nicaragua -Nicaragua's economy is slowly being strangled by the dictates of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund
    I Was Wrong About Trade
    By George Monbiot
    George Bush seems to be preparing to destroy the WTO at the next world trade talks in September not because its rules are unjust, but because they are not unjust enough. "Our Aim Should Not Be To Abolish The World Trade Organization., But To Transform It", says George Monbiot
    17 June, 2003
    We Can seize The Day
    By George Monbiot
    Economic globalisation has made us stronger than ever before, just as the existing instruments of global control have become weaker than ever before
    07 June, 2003
    On The Defensive : Coke And Pepsi
    By R. Krishnakumar
    Popular struggles against Coca- Cola and Pepsi in Palakkad district of Kerala gather momentum
    Battling Coke In Sivaganga
    By S. Viswanathan
    The people in Sivganga in Tamil Nadu are agitating against Coke's plans to exploit large amounts of water from the region, which is already facing water scarcity
    04 June, 2003
    Another Fiasco At Evian
    By John Lichfield in Evian
    Evian was another choreographed summit of fixed smiles that evaded all the most contentious issues, from the plunge of the dollar to the explosion of Aids in Africa
    Lausanne Solidarity Declaration
    In Support Of Activists At The G8
    30 May, 2003
    Showdown In Evian
    By Mark Engler
    The French city of Evian is getting ready for a showdown between the super rich and the antiglobalisation activists
    Patents and Pharmaceutical Access
    By Sanjay Basu
    The 56th World Health Assembly held in Geneva was alive by a controversy over a resolution mandating the WHO to advise governments about patent rules and access to medicines
    12 May, 2003
    The New Peasants Revolt
    By Katherine Ainger
    All of us, affected by trends in the global economy, in the most intimate and fundamental way possible - through our food
    Bechtel And Blood For Water
    By Vandana Shiva
    In Iraq blood was not just shed for oil, but also for control over water and other vital services
    11 May, 2003
    "Corporism: The Systemic Disease
    That Destroys Civilization"
    By Ken Reiner
    Huge corporations now control America's body politic by reason of their bald-faced purchases of the three branches of the American government and America's major media
    11 April, 2003
    Privatizing Water: What the European Commission Doesn't Want You to Know
    By Daniel Politi
    Leaked documents and an exchange of e-mails reveal that the European Union has asked 72 countries to open up their markets to private water companies.
    Why Does the WTO Want My Water?
    By Lori Wallach
    A leak of European negotiating demands in WTO service sector negotiations reveals that it will be extremely difficult for countries, states and local governments to reverse privatization experiments that fail if the demands are incorporated in GATS.
    Zero Tolerance for Farm Subsidies
    By Devinder Sharma
    Indian farmers are starting to feel the direct impact of the farm subsidies provided by rich nations to their farmers. American wheat is available at Chennai at a landing price much lower than that of the home grown golden grain while the wheat surplus in the north western parts of the country rots in the open
    Confronting Empire
    By Arundhati Roy
    Our strategy should be not only to confront empire, but to lay siege to it. To deprive it of oxygen. To shame it. To mock it. With our art, our music, our literature, our stubbornness, our joy, our brilliance, our sheer relentlessness — and our ability to tell our own stories. Arundhati Roy's speech at Porto Alegre , for the world social forum
    Asian Social Forum Statement
    Statement OF The Asian Social, Mass And Peoples' Movements And Organisations gathered for the Asian Social Forum held at Hyderabad from January 2-7,2003
    Produce and perish - The Fallacy of Raising Crop Yields
    By Devinder Sharma
    To ask the third world farmers to increase productivity and thereby reduce the cost of production to remain competitive in a globalised world is a fallacy since it is impossible for them to compete with the farmers of the developed world ejoying huge amount of state subsidy.
    Now Corporations Claim The "Right To Lie"
    By Thom Hartmann
    Kasky v. Nike case in U.S. Supreme court poses a serious challenge to the corporate claim of personhood.
    The two faces of Mr. Gates
    By C. P. Chandrasekhar
    Microsoft chairman Bill Gates' visit to India was part of a strategy to check the growing trend of developing countries preferring open source software over proprietary software.
    The Great Myths Of Globalization
    In perhaps the most comprehensive study to date, Scorecard on Globalization 1980-2000, Mark Weisbrot, Dean Baker and other researchers at the Center for Economic and Policy Research documented that key measures of progress have declined globally in the past twenty years
    Selling India to Bill Gates
    by C. Ram Manohar Reddy
    Bill Gates needs India more than India needs Bill Gates. But we don't seem to want to see that.
    UN Consecrates Water As Public Good,Human Right
    by Gustavo Capdevila
    The United Nations Committee on Economic, Cultural and Social Rights declared access to water a human right and water a social and cultural good, not merely an economic commodity.

    PSDS: The Latest Chapter in the World Bank's Privatization Plans
    by David Tannenbaum
    World Bank's new Private Sector Development Strategy (PSDS) promises to intensify the Bank's support for privatization, extend its privatization advocacy to sectors still generally conceived of as public, and introduce novel approaches to create private markets where none now exist.
    Paradoxes
    by Eduardo Galeano
    About some of the paradoxes that we see in daily life
    The Passion for Free Markets- Exporting American values through the new World Trade Organization
    by Noam Chomsky
    A Moment Of Deep Hope
    An interview with Vandana Shiva
    by Geov Parrish
    Export at Any Cost - Oxfam's Free Trade Recipe for the Third World
    by Vandana Shiva
    The Bankruptcy of Globalisation
    by Vandana Shiva
    Speech made at the World Social Forum, 2002

    IMF'S FOUR STEPS TO DAMNATION
    by Gregory Palast
    How crises, failures, and suffering finally drove a US Presidential adviser to the wrong side of the barricades
    Privatisation: from the Guru himself
    by Prashant Bhushan
    Joseph Stiglitz, the World Bank's Chief Economist for three years until January 2000 and the winner of the Nobel Prize for Economics in 2001, speaks out with brutal frankness about the Washington Consensus institutions' hypocrisy and the effects that the globalisation programme has had on the developing world.
    They Are Systematically Destroying Economies
    An interview with George Monbiot who is one of the leading voices of the global justice movement worldwide.
    Book Review
    Global Self -Organization From Below
    by Jeremy Brecher and Tim Costello
    Based on material from the new Second Edition of Jeremy Brecher, Tim Costello, and Brendan Smith,
    GLOBALIZATION FROM BELOW: THE POWER OF SOLIDARITY
    Review Of Defying Corporations, Defining Democracy
    by Robert Jensen

    30 August, 2010

    Another Bubble Is About To Burst

    By Martin Borgs

    This is the story of the greatest financial crisis we will ever see... The one that is on the way. Filmmaker Martin Borgs takes a provocative look at the events leading up the Global Financial Crisis and asks if the attempts to avoid a ruinous collapse of banks and other major finance houses may set the world on the path to an even bigger meltdown

    27 August, 2010

    America Facing Depression And Bankruptcy

    By Stephen Lendman

    "Twenty countries (including America) are headed into bankruptcy and more will follow. That brings up the subject of state debt in the US. America has been in an inflationary depression for 18 months. States have been cutting back for two years," but still face huge budget gaps required to be closed....2011 will be a terrible year (with) 80% of states expect(ing) deficits of more than $200 billion. 2012 looks even worse." Most worrisome, "there is no recovery and there never has been....the US economy and financial system is comatose." The worst is yet to come and will hit hard on arrival

    29 April, 2010

    Fix The Economy, Not Wall Street

    By David Korten

    Why regulate a broken system when we can build a better one? Welcome to New Economy 101

    25 April, 2010

    Sacred Economics

    By Charles Eisenstein

    Sacred Economics offers a fundamental analysis of what has gone wrong with money; it describes a more beautiful world based on a different kind of money and economy; it explains the collective actions necessary to create that world and the means by which these actions can come about; and it explores the personal dimensions of the world-transformation, the change in identity and being that I call "living in the Gift."

    03 February, 2010

    The Crisis Is Not Over

    By Paul Craig Roberts

    The threats to the U.S. economy are extreme. Yet, neither the Obama administration, the Republican opposition, economists, Wall Street, nor the media show any awareness. Instead, the public is provided with spin about recovery and with higher spending on pointless wars that are hastening America's economic and financial ruin

    11 January, 2010

    The Recession Is Over, The Depression

    Just Beginning

    By Stephen Lendman

    Looking ahead in 2010, the state of the nation for most people is dire and worsening, and 2011 looks no better. City mayors are on the front lines dealing with it. So are governors at their state levels, but increasingly they're getting less help from Washington from an administration with priorities leaving them out and the millions they serve, on their own and out of luck

    29 December, 2009

    The Economic Crisis Ends;

    The Political Crisis Begins

    By Shamus Cooke

    First Iceland, then Ireland, now Greece. Much of Europe is mired in inescapable debt and bankrupt nations, the result of crashing banks, bank bailouts, and soaring unemployment. The U.S. and U.K. watch from a distance, knowing their turn is next

    12 December, 2009

    Société Générale Predicts Global Economic Collapse

    In Two Years Time

    By Ambrose Evans-Pritchard

    Société Générale has advised clients to be ready for a possible "global economic collapse" over the next two years, mapping a strategy of defensive investments to avoid wealth destruction

    05 December, 2009

    Abolish The Fed And Return Money

    Creation Power To Congress

    By Stephen Lendman

    According to US constitution only the Congress has the authority to create money. But a private bank, the Federal Reserve is printing money in direct violation to the US constitution and goes on bankrupting America, taking the whole world with it

    28 Novmber, 2009

    Dubai's $59 Billion Default Sends Tremor

    Through Global Financial System

    By Alex Messenger

    Dubai's announcement on Wednesday that it would be delaying by "at least" six months the maturity date of $59 billion in bonds issued by the city-state's largest state-owned company, Dubai World, has sent global shares tumbling. The market reaction to Dubai's massive debt default is partly explained by the exposure of European and Asian banks to DP World and its tourism subsidiary, Nakheel

    24 Novmber, 2009

    Red Alert: The Second Wave Of

    The Financial Tsunami

    By Matthias Chang

    The Wave Is gathering force and could hit between the first and second quarter of 2010

    Government Failures Feeding Next Financial Bubble

    By Julio Godoy

    Numerous failures by industrialised countries' governments and central banks in managing the financial crisis are feeding the next bubble, which most likely will again provoke economic woes such as recession, unemployment, and poverty, according to economists and analysts

    The Economic Crisis And What Must Be Done

    By Richard C. Cook

    The key is monetary reform, whether at the local or national levels. People have lost control of their ability to earn a living. But change could be accomplished through sovereign control by people and nations of the monetary means of exchange

    19 July, 2009

    How Bad Will The Economy Get? Really, Really Bad

    By Thomas Greco, Jr.

    When will the price effects of hyper-inflation begin to kick in? How will the government respond to it? What will be the social and political fallout? What can ordinary people do to protect themselves from monetary and legislative abuses? These are the questions that beg for answers

    21 April, 2009

    The Economics Of Turning People Into Things

    By Nitasha Kaul

    Economic violence is not only the violence caused for economic reasons, but also the violence caused by spurious economics. It is the violence caused to people when they lose their jobs and livelihoods, when they witness massively divergent rewards for work, when they see an endless perpetuation of inequality around them. Such involuntary unemployment in the long run leads to social breakdown and community fragmentation. This is already ongoing, but it must not be exacerbated

    20 March, 2009

    Keynes, Capitalism, And The Crisis

    John Bellamy Foster Interviewed by Brian Ashley

    Real solutions to the contradictions of capitalism lie not in Keynesian economics but in a revolt from below of the population, which holds out the potential for a change in the rules of the game. Joan Robinson said somewhere that a political movement strong enough to reform capitalism would also be strong enough to introduce socialism. Therein lies our hope and their fear

    25 February, 2009

    How The US Economy Was Lost

    By Paul Craig Roberts

    If incompetence in Washington, the type of incompetence that produced the current economic crisis, destroys the dollar as reserve currency, the "unipower" will overnight become a third world country, unable to pay for its imports or to sustain its standard of living

    23 February, 2009

    America's Municipal Meltdowns

    By Nick Turse

    Stories about the economic woes facing individual cities and towns are already a staple of national newspapers, even as the bad news, experts believe, is only beginning to flow in. Spikes in unemployment already reaching double-digit levels in some cases, municipal governments deep in the red, essential cutbacks in local services, increasing lines at food pantries, towns facing bankruptcy or even contemplating municipal suicide are increasingly common nationwide

    Dispatches From The Front Lines Of Economic Crisis

    By Stephen Lendman

    Today's crisis should bury the myth about "free-market" fundamentalism as the best of all possible worlds. History proves otherwise by clearly showing that it fails the many to advantage the few because it's arranged that way

    11 February, 2009

    Speculation , Scams, Frauds and Crises:

    Theory And Facts

    By Sunanda Sen

    Curbs on speculatory finance and an aggressive expansionary fiscal policy are the answers to what has gone wrong in the world today

    07 February, 2009

    Global Jobs Crisis Deepens

    By Tom Eley

    In a clear indication the economic crisis is rapidly heading into a severe global depression, US employers purged 598,000 jobs in January, the most job losses in a single month since 1974. January's firings raised the unemployment rate to 7.6 percent, the highest level since 1992

    31 January, 2009

    Worst US Economic Contraction In Quarter Century

    By Peter Symonds

    More grim figures released by the US Commerce Department yesterday provide further confirmation of the severity of the economic contraction in the US and globally. The US economy shrank at an annualised rate of 3.8 percent in the fourth quarter of 2008—its worst result since 1982. The decline followed a contraction of 0.5 percent in the third quarter—the first successive quarterly GDP declines since 1990-91

    The American Economy Is Not Coming Back

    By Dave Lindorff

    What we are now seeing is the beginning of an inevitable downward adjustment in American living standards to conform with our actual place in the world. We are headed to a recovery that will not feel like a recovery at all. Eventually, productive capacity will be restored, as lowered US wages make it again profitable for some things to be made here at home again, but like people in the 1930s looking back at the Roaring 20s of yore, we are going to look back at the last two decades as some kind of dream

    29 January, 2009

    Meltdown Madness : The Human Costs Of

    The Economic Crisis

    By Nick Turse

    The body count is still rising. For months on end, marked by bankruptcies, foreclosures, evictions, and layoffs, the economic meltdown has taken a heavy toll on Americans. In response, a range of extreme acts including suicide, self-inflicted injury, murder, and arson have hit the local news. By October 2008, an analysis of press reports nationwide indicated that an epidemic of tragedies spurred by the financial crisis had already spread from Pasadena, California, to Taunton, Massachusetts, from Roseville, Minnesota, to Ocala, Florida

    06 January, 2009

    Towards Post Neo-Capitalism

    By Nimer Ahmad

    What needed is the destruction of current system, a revolution, not within the boundaries of one or few nation-states, but a global revolution, not just to uproot this system but to uproot the attitudes and fixation towards knowledge, ideas and initiatives

    Economic Withdrawal

    By David Kendall

    We can envisage a truly parallel system of business -- one that deliberately competes with the existing system, growing daily from the inside out, even as the "shell" of the old system crumbles all around us. As Mahatma Ghandi and others have suggested, let's "build a new society in the shell of the old"

    28 December, 2008

    The Coming Capitalist Consensus

    By Walden Bello

    While progressives were engaged in full-scale war against neoliberalism, reformist thinking was percolating in critical establishment circles. This thinking is now about to become policy, and progressives must work double time to engage it

    08 December, 2008

    The Global Economic Crisis: Bad And Worsening

    By Stephen Lendman

    In a new article, economics professor Richard Wolff explains the current crisis in Marxian terms. It "emerged from the workings of the capitalist class structure. Capitalism's history displays repeated boom-bust cycles punctuated by bubbles. They range unpredictably from local, shallow and short to global, deep and long." Clearly we're now in one of the latter and potentially the worst ever

    19 November, 2008

    Crisis? What Crisis?

    By Dave Fryett

    The economic mess that has been unfolding the last few months is not, as the right fear and the left hope, an organic collapse of the global capitalist system But rather it is, as so many so-called financial crises before it, a scam perpetrated by what Lincoln used to call the "money power." The goals are to capture other lucrative businesses, reduce government and its ability to constrain its hegemony over capital, and to reduce union membership by creating such dire economic circumstances as to make unions powerless to save their members from hardship

    14 November, 2008

    Economic Crisis Is Beyond The Reach Of

    Traditional Solutions

    By Paul Craig Roberts

    By most accounts the US economy is in serious trouble. Robert Reich, an adviser to President-elect Obama, calls it a "mini-depression," and that designation might be optimistic. The Russian economist, Mikhail Khazin says that the "U.S. will soon face a second 'Great Depression.'" It is possible that even Khazin is optimistic

    12 November, 2008

    Global Economic Tremors

    By Stephen Lendman

    Can the worst of all possible outcomes be avoided? It's beyond this writer's ability to imagine. It's for the Fed, Treasury, GSEs (government sponsored enterprises like Fannie, Freddie, Sallie, Ginnie, etc.) and banks, if they're able and willing, to try. To create money, get it flowing, inflate or die, but it already may be too late. Things that can't go on forever, won't, and as writer Ellen Brown observes: "The parasite has run out of its food source." The engine is now out of fuel

    Is There Such A Thing As Society?

    By Aseem Shrivastava

    These are strange times indeed, when the high priests of the day, the economists, are eager to quote prophetic poets like WB Yeats (The Second Coming), fearing an apocalypse, which has already happened a few times in the recent history of "modern" civilization. But they fear, perhaps rightly, that what may arrive may be something unimaginably worse than all catastrophes seen hitherto

    Free Trade And Distorted Development:

    A Critique Of WTO Perspectives

    By Sharat G. Lin

    Global policymakers need to understand not only the economics of aggregate growth, but the socio-economic impact of globalized flows on the distribution of income and on the welfare of human beings

    05 November, 2008

    Waiting For The Other Shoe To Drop

    By Eddy Laing

    Amidst the cacophony of the present crisis and confusion, the revolutionary Marxists need to step up and clarify the essential nature of the current economic crisis, as well as the further economic and political crises that are on the way. The ruling classes are struggling to retain their political as well as their economic hegemony, both of which are being threatened in every field. We should not let this opportunity pass

    The Challenge Of The New Statism

    By Dan Lieberman

    The liberal democracies have experienced financial shocks and reacted, but not as free market advocates expected. Adam Smith's name is not being loudly heard in the world's central banks

    04 November, 2008

    Under The Mountain Of Debt

    By Eddy Laing

    The current credit crisis is not primarily due to failing single family home mortgages, although mortgage debt is part of it. It is the coming due of capital debts that resemble Russian nested dolls, each one opening up to reveal yet more debt. These are the now-famous 'toxic assets', the 'collateralized debt obligations' and 'jumbo covered bonds' which promised to pay the holder based on the interest that would be collected on yet other debt instruments

    The Economics Of Global Democracy

    By Adam W. Parsons

    The economic freedom promised through the liberalisation of market forces has, in reality, resulted in a freedom for the very few and a contradiction of the promise that increased wealth will be shared - demanding a reframing of the concepts of 'democracy' and 'human rights', says Adam W. Parsons

    03 November, 2008

    More From The Front Lines Of The Financial Crisis

    By Stephen Lendman

    America's salad days are over, Peter Schiff writes in his 2007 book "Crash Proof: How to Profit from the Coming Economic Collapse." We've gone from a nation of savers, investors and producers to one of borrowers, consumers and gamblers. Official government statistics lie. They conceal hidden truths. America's house of cards is crumbling. It won't be pretty when it collapses. His advice is get out of the dollar. Get your money out of the country while you can, and gold is one of his recommendations

    31 October, 2008

    The End Of Prosperity

    By Stephen Lendman

    Dealing with today's crisis requires big international rescue according to economist Nouriel Roubini. Called Dr. Doom for his gloomy views that today command worldwide respect. And whatever's done, America faces "year(s) of economic stagnation." After a deep protracted downturn. If as true as he forecasts, it signals the end of prosperity. A new age of austerity and world economies in extreme disrepair and needing an alternative model in lieu of a clearly failed one. Hugely corrupted as well

    30 October, 2008

    World Tires Of Rule By Dollar

    By Paul Craig Roberts

    What explains the paradox of the dollar's sharp rise in value against other currencies (except the Japanese yen) despite disproportionate US exposure to the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression? Read on, here is the answer

    The 2008 US Recession,Military Keynesianism

    And The Wars In The Middle East

    By Peter Custers

    Nouriel Roubini, the Wall Street economist who has gathered world fame by predicting the current world financial crisis, has already warned that the US economy may end up as a 'war economy', just as happened during the 20th century world wars. Clearly, it is time economists catch up, and engage in debate on the military underpinnings of economic policymaking in the US and beyond

    Marxism And The Economic Crises

    By Rohini Hensman

    It is possible to get out of this recession without allowing it to become a depression if enough people press for decisive action along these lines. Eventually, another crisis will come along, of course: that is the nature of capitalism. But we can deal with that problem when we get to it!

    27 October, 2008

    Nicolas Sarkozy And Sovereign Wealth Funds

    By Kavaljit Singh

    Not long ago, the EU gave a call for "Global Europe" with much fanfare and avowed commitment to open economy. Why double standards?

    16 October, 2008

    Stock Markets Fall As Global Recession Takes Hold

    By Patrick O'Connor

    The financial crisis has brought to a head the underlying contradictions which have been wracking the capitalist system over an entire period. Notwithstanding the desperate hopes of policy makers in Europe, Asia, and other regions, a severe and protracted recession in the US will inevitably trigger a major downturn in the world economy

    The Financial Economy And The Real Economy

    By Justin Podur

    Writers on financial or economic matters rarely see the need to explain the basics of the field or justify them at the best of times, let alone in the middle of unfolding crises. What are these "financial instruments" — futures, options, and swaps? What are they for, and how did they increase the dangers of what occurred? What is the relationship between finance and the 'real economy'? What exactly is wrong with that relationship? Events move so quickly that stories discussing them rarely stop to explain the basics

    14 October, 2008

    Does The Bailout Pass The Smell Test?

    By Paul Craig Roberts

    The authorities have blamed subprime mortgages for the crisis. Why then does their solution fail to address the problem of the mortgages? Instead, the solution directs public money into an increasingly concentrated private financial sector, the management of which is not only vastly overpaid, but also has escaped accountability for the financial chicanery that, allegedly, threatens systemic financial meltdown unless bailed out by the taxpayers

    The October Surprise: Global Panic

    By Stephen Lendman

    Ordinary people are hit hardest. Millions will suffer grievously for years as a result of this totally avoidable crisis. Fraudsters who caused it are rewarded. Innocent homeowners, households, and workers are punished. Mercilessly

    01 October, 2008

    World Financial Crisis Reveals

    Vulnerability Of Russia's Economy

    By Vladimir Volkov

    Shocks throughout the world financial system, centered in the financial meltdown in the US, led by mid-September to a sharp fall on the Russian stock markets. The country is facing its greatest banking crisis since the default of August 1998, demonstrating the enormous vulnerability of the Russian economy to fluctuations on the world markets

    30 September, 2008

    House And Global Investors Vote

    "No" On Paulson Bailout

    By Mike Whitney

    The US House rejected Treasury Secretary Paulson's $700 billion Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 . Paulson said he has the votes, but Paulson was wrong. The House bucked the Paulson's claim that buying up the illiquid mortgage-backed assets from the nation's banks would be enough to save the financial system from an impending meltdown

    The Current Crisis: A Socialist Perspective

    By Leo Panitch & Sam Gindin

    The type of facile analysis that focuses on 'it's all over' – whether in terms of the end of neoliberalism, the decline of the American empire, or even the next great crisis of capitalism – is not much use here insofar as it is offered without any clear socialist strategic implications. It ain't over till it's made over

    29 September, 2008

    No Bail Out For Wall Street Billionaires

    By James Petras

    The Treasury and Congress have inadvertently revealed that federal financing is readily available to rebuild the US economy, guarantee decent living wages and provide health care for everyone if we choose elective officials who are committed to the needs of the US workers and not the Wall Street billionaires

    Grand Theft America

    By Stephen Lendman

    The crime of the century. The greatest one ever. Author Danny Schechter calls it "Plunder." The title of his important new book on the subprime and overall financial crisis. Economist Michael Hudson and others refer to a kleptocracy. A Ponzi scheme writ large. Maybe an out-of-control Andromeda Strain. An economic one. Deadly. Unrecallable. Science fiction now real life. Potentially catastrophic. World governments trying to contain it. Trying everything but not sure what can work. Maybe only able to paper it over for short-term relief. Buy time but in the end vindicate the maxim that things that can't go on forever, won't

    27 September, 2008

    Bailout For Who?

    By Adrianne Appel

    U.S. lawmakers and the George W. Bush administration are continuing their closed-door meetings through the weekend to try and fashion a softer 700-billion-dollar deal for Wall Street that will appeal to citizens angry at the prospect of the mega-corporate bailout

    A Better Bailout

    By Joseph E. Stiglitz

    The administration is once again holding a gun at our head, saying, "My way or the highway." We have been bamboozled before by this tactic. We should not let it happen to us again.There are alternatives

    $700 Billion Bailout: Let's Do

    Some Simple Arithmetic

    By Michael Dickel

    The Bush-Cheney-Haliburton administration proposes to hand over to Wall Street over twenty-five hundred dollars for each person over the age of 14 in the U.S. That's over $10,000 for a family of four where the children are teen-agers. Do you know many families of four, with two teens, who can cough up $10,000 to help bail out Wall Street?

    26 September, 2008

    The Great Bailout: Is The Cure

    Worse Than The Disease?

    By Dan Lieberman

    Secretary Paulson's plan to prevent collapse of the financial system prompts immediate and unanswered questions: Will the Paulson plan fulfill its intentions or will it worsen what it wants to correct? The health of the financial system is a major problem, but is it the problem, and does it disguise the true problem?

    Financial Meltdown And The Madness

    Of Imperialism

    By Raymond Lotta

    The events of the last ten days on Wall Street represent a new and more destabilizing phase of the turmoil gripping financial institutions and markets in the U.S. A financial crisis has been unfolding for more than a year. It is now the most serious financial crisis of U.S. capitalism since the Great Depression of the 1930s. And it is by no means contained or under control

    Framing The $700 Billion Question

    By Pablo Ouziel

    As the bailout of Wall Street is debated in the U.S. Congress, and world political leaders and global financial analysts, are all excited about what will ultimately save us from a economic Pearl Harbor, will prevent a financial Tsunami, or the repeat of the Great Depression, I am surprised that no CEO has yet been arrested. I am amazed and perplexed; obviously the question has not been framed properly

    20 September, 2008

    Will This Gigantic Bailout Work?

    By Sean O'Grady

    This is what we might call the $1trillion question. That's $1,000,000,000,000, by the way. It is a little like surgery. The US government has amputated the gangrenous leg of the banking system to save the patient. But it is now preparing to graft the infected limb on to the body politic of America. The US taxpayers will be lucky if they do not feel distinctly unwell as a result of this little experiment

    It's The Derivatives, Stupid! Why Fannie,

    Freddie, AIG Had To Be Bailed Out

    By Ellen Brown

    Why the extraordinary bailout measures for Fannie, Freddie and AIG? The answer may have less to do with saving the insurance business, the housing market, or the Chinese investors clamoring for a bailout than with the greatest Ponzi scheme in history, one that is holding up the entire private global banking system. What had to be saved at all costs was not housing or the dollar but the financial derivatives industry; and the precipice from which it had to be saved was an "event of default" that could have collapsed a quadrillion dollar derivatives bubble, a collapse that could take the entire global banking system down with it

    18 September, 2008

    Panic Sell-Off On Wall Street

    By Barry Grey

    In the midst of the market frenzy, increasingly reminiscent of the 1929 crash that ushered in the Great Depression, more icons of American capitalism were set to topple, with investment bank Morgan Stanley and savings and loan giant Washington Mutual desperately seeking to avoid collapse by finding other banks willing to buy them

    17 September, 2008

    Meltdown On Wall Street:

    Grave Warning For India

    By Partha Banerjee

    I pray to God that Americans now find the courage to stand up against the lies, distortions and censorship. I pray to God that Indians now find the courage to stand up against a mindless mimicking of a failed and exploitative economic and political system

    16 September, 2008

    You Know It's Bad When Yahoo.com Features

    A Story About Fiscal Armageddon

    By Paul Joseph Watson

    You know things are bad when Yahoo.com, the most trafficked website in the world and usually a purveyor of mindless celebrity gossip, cooking tips and dating advice, features a top story about how Americans could lose their bank deposits following the collapse of Lehman Brothers

    06 August, 2008

    Shifts And Faultlines In The World Economy

    And Great Power Rivalry: What Is Happening And

    What It Might Mean- Part III

    The European Union As A Potential Rival To U.S. Dominance

    By Raymond Lotta

    The EU may find itself torn between those within its imperialist ruling classes calling for a more robust European military capacity and those that still want to rely on the NATO alliance. The pathways towards a greater or lesser EU international geopolitical role would be profoundly influenced by a major move by China to wrench more initiative in the world economy and/or to forge closer alliance with Russia

    Inflation And The New World Order

    By Richard C. Cook

    Are we seeing the totalitarian dictatorship of the world's financial elite being rolled out, with petroleum and food prices the primary weapon of a final coup d'etát against every national government on earth and their citizens? And if we knew who these "high-end investors" were, and who controlled them, wouldn't we then understand who is in charge of the New World Order and for whom it really functions?

    05 August, 2008

    Shifts And Faultlines In The World Economy

    And Great Power Rivalry: What Is Happening

    And What It Might Mean

    By Raymond Lotta

    China's capitalist development and China's rise in the world imperialist system, its nature and implications

    04 August, 2008

    Shifts And Faultlines In The World Economy

    And Great Power Rivalry: What Is Happening

    and What It Might Mean Part I

    By Raymond Lotta

    This is a research essay about changes in global capitalist accumulation, newly emerging relations of strength among imperialist and regional powers, and the force of competitive pressures and tensions. It is about great-power rivalries in a world system based on exploitation. To use an analogy to the complex motions of large parts of the Earth's crust and upper mantle, this is a discussion of shifting tectonic plates in the world economy: some of their longer-term movements and some of the more sudden and unexpected eruptions

    22 May, 2008

    "Immoral Hazard"

    By Stephen Lendman

    Direst forecasts have it in its early innings with the worst of things ahead. Only in the fullness of time will we know, but some things are clear. None of this happened by chance. Nor should it have in the first place. A combination of financial malpractice, outright fraud, and greed are to blame. The same mistakes keep getting repeated. The costs keep going higher. Sooner or later they matter, and some day it'll be too late to fix them. Some day may be closer than smart money folks think. Stay tuned, be cautious, and ignore Fed Chairmen and politicians promising miracles

    15 April, 2008

    Recession Takes Hold In US

    By Barry Grey

    GE's results shook the financial markets because they indicated that the impact of the housing and credit crisis was spreading beyond the housing and banking sectors to broader parts of the US economy. GE's report came at the beginning of the first-quarter earnings report season, and seemed to confirm the worst fears on Wall Street that profits will drop sharply nearly across the board

    Recession, Depression, Collapse:

    What's Fear Got To Do With It?

    By Carolyn Baker

    The world we wanted to have is not within our reach; the world we deeply dread is upon us. Meanwhile, the world we have known, ugly as it may be but nevertheless familiar, is vanishing before our eyes. Herein lies an opportunity to experience deeper layers of who we really are and what we are really made of. Collapse is compelling us to confront these issues, whether we want to or feel ready to do so or not. While I do not welcome the suffering this will entail, I do welcome the transformation of human consciousness and thus the evolutionary quantum leap it may offer us

    Losses Mount In Chinese Export Industry

    By Alex Lantier

    Light export industries in China are continuing to face massive losses, shedding jobs and moving operations either abroad or to lower-wage regions of China. The immediate triggers of the downturn—the political and commercial consequences of the US financial crisis—are exacerbating working class discontent over low wages, pollution and poor working conditions

    19 March, 2008

    US Federal Reserve Cuts Interest Rates Again

    By Alex Lantier

    The new interest rate cuts can only exacerbate the decline in the dollar, which has already fallen to record or near-record lows against the euro, the yen and other currencies. There are already signs that the dollar's plunge is having serious effects on the financing of US trade

    14 March, 2008

    Gold And Oil Prices Soar, Dollar Slumps

    By Barry Grey

    Just two days after the Federal Reserve Board announced an emergency $200 billion debt-relief plan for distressed Wall Street finance houses, markets in the US and internationally were shaken by the collapse of Carlyle Capital Corporation (CCC), a publicly traded investment fund established by the Carlyle Group private equity fund.The Carlyle debacle was accompanied by other developments pointing to both recession and rising inflation. Crude oil prices hit a new record of $111, gold futures breached the $1,000-an-ounce mark, and the dollar fell to record lows versus the Japanese yen, the euro and the Swiss franc

    Gas Prices In Hawaii, California Hit $4

    By Jaymes Song

    While the price of oil climbs above $110 a barrel, most Americans dread the day they will have to pay $4. On this tropical island and a few stations in California, $4 gas has already arrived, straining the pocketbooks of residents and businesses

    Watching The Dollar Die

    By Paul Craig Roberts

    I've been watching the dollar die all my life. I sometimes think I will outlast it

    07 March, 2008

    The Grim Reality of Economic Truths

    By Pablo Ouziel

    I remember the time when General Motors Corp. was considered a pillar of the American dream, a fundamental of the economic miracle. Now, after reporting a quarterly loss of $722 million, compared with a profit of $950 million a year earlier, and offering buyouts to all of its 74,000 United Auto Workers employees, GM is clearly not a part of the sound fundamentals which President Bush likes to describe

    11 February, 2008

    The Great Bust of '08

    By Mike Whitney

    So, what does it all mean? It means that people who want to hold on to their life savings are going have to be extra vigilant as the situation continues to deteriorate

    28 January, 2008

    How Bush Destroyed The Dollar

    By Paul Craig Roberts

    If the US government cannot balance its budget by cutting its spending or by raising taxes, the day when it can no longer borrow will see the government paying its bills by printing money like a third world banana republic. Inflation and more exchange rate depreciation will be the order of the day

    24 January, 2008

    How To Stop The Downturn

    By Joseph E. Stiglitz

    America's economy is headed for a major slowdown. Whether there is a recession (two quarters of negative growth) is less important than the fact that the economy will operate well below its potential, and unemployment will grow. The country needs a stimulus, but anything we do will add to our soaring deficit, so it is important to get as much bang for the buck as possible

    "Lame Duck" Citizens And The Global Economy

    By Pablo Ouziel

    In regards to our 'global economy', one is better off reading Dostoevsky's The Gambler and saying to himself, "at the present moment I must repair to the roulette-table," than listening to George Bush deluding himself about the fact that "while there is some uncertainty, the financial markets are strong and solid." The truth is, our global markets have become a "lame duck" and all we can do is wait for the next disaster to shake the corrupt foundation on which things have been run

    23 January, 2008

    US Cuts Interest Rates Amid Fears Of

    Global Financial Collapse

    By Andre Damon

    The Fed's emergency action gave more the impression of a panicked attempt to stave off catastrophe, confirming the growing conviction that the US economy is sliding into recession, regardless of attempts at either monetary or fiscal stimulus

    Hard Times A-Coming

    By Dave Lindorff

    Get ready for some hard economic times. The next step will be soaring inflation, as strapped companies in China, India and elsewere start raising their prices for goods shipped to the US and paid for in dollars. Then the Fed will have to respond by raising interest rates again, in an effort to shore up the currency. And with that will come deeper recession and an even lower stock market

    Farewell To Old Economic Nostrums

    By Paul Craig Roberts

    The rebate will help Americans reduce their credit card debt. However, adding $150 billion to an existing federal budget deficit that will be worsened by recession could further alarm America's foreign creditors, traders in currency markets, and OPEC oil producers. If the rebate loses its punch to consumer debt reduction, imports, and pressure on the dollar, what will the government do next?

    Will Economic Stimulus Measures

    Stave Off Recession?

    By Richard C. Cook

    If you dig a little deeper, it is easy to see that the U.S. never really got out of the recession of 2000-2002 which followed the bursting of the dot.com bubble at the end of the Bill Clinton presidency. This event was marked by the stock market crash starting in December 2000 that cost Americans over a trillion dollars in retirement savings and other forms of paper "wealth" over a period of a few months

    How To Sink America

    By Chalmers Johnson

    Why the Debt Crisis Is Now the Greatest Threat to the American Republic

    How The West Was Re-sold

    By Niranjan Ramakrishnan

    Let me make this simple and practical suggestion to the President and Congress: Cut out the middleman and mail the 145 billion dollars directly to China. That's where it is going to end up anyway. The America people will thank you for not filling their homes and garages with more junk. And...this is important...you can all take pride in boasting to the people that you kept the government out of it

    22 January, 2008

    Threat Of US Recession Panics Global Stock Markets

    By Andre Damon

    Stock prices plummeted worldwide Monday and Tuesday , amid heightened fears of a US recession. While over the course of last week US financial markets suffered the worst fall since 2002, with the Dow Jones Industrial Average dropping by 5 percent, many Asian and European indices dropped by a similar amount in just one day

    The False US Economy Versus Nature's

    Expansion-Contraction Cycle

    By Shepherd Bliss

    The growth-based US economy is contracting. Media economists are alarmed, even panicky. They describe this as a "recession" and wring their hands with woe. They should have expected this downturn and we should accept it. Lets see what will happen. Maybe the Earth will benefit from the declining US economy? Perhaps its pollution and other threats to the global climate and environment will lessen?

    19 January, 2008

    Bush Announces "Stimulus" Plan
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    Gandhian economics

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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    Gandhian economics is a school of economic thought based on the socio-economic principles expounded by Indian leader Mohandas Gandhi. It is largely characterised by its affinity to the principles and objectives of nonviolent humanistic socialism, but with a rejection of violent class war and promotion of socio-economic harmony. Gandhi's economic ideas also aim to promote spiritual development and harmony with a rejection of materialism. The term "Gandhian economics" was coined by J. C. Kumarappa, a close supporter of Gandhi.[1]

    [edit]Gandhi's economic ideas

    Gandhi's thinking on socio-economic issues was greatly influenced by the American writer Henry David Thoreau. Throughout his life, Gandhi sought to develop ways to fight India's extreme poverty, backwardness and socio-economic challenges as a part of his wider involvement in the Indian independence movement. Gandhi's championing of Swadeshi and non-cooperation were centred on the principles of economic self-sufficiency. Gandhi sought to target European-made clothing and other products as not only a symbol of British colonialism but also the source of mass unemployment and poverty, as European industrial goods had left many millions of India's workers, craftsmen and women without a means of living. By championing homespun khadi clothing and Indian-made goods, Gandhi sought to incorporate peaceful civil resistance as a means of promoting national self-sufficiency. Gandhi led farmers of Champaran and Kheda in a satyagraha (civil disobedienceand tax resistance) against the mill owners and landlords supported by the British government in an effort to end oppressive taxation and other policies that forced the farmers and workers and defend their economic rights. A major part of this rebellion was a commitment from the farmers to end caste discrimination and oppressive social practices against women while launching a co-operative effort to promote education, health care and self-sufficiency by producing their own clothes and food.
    Gandhi and his followers also founded numerous ashrams in India (Gandhi had pioneered the ashram settlement in South Africa). The concept of an ashram has been compared with the commune, where its inhabitants would seek to produce their own food, clothing and means of living, while promoting a lifestyle of self-sufficiency, personal and spiritual development and working for wider social development. The ashrams included small farms and houses constructed by the inhabitants themselves. All inhabitants were expected to help in any task necessary, promoting the values of equality. Gandhi also espoused the notion of "trusteeship," which centred on denying material pursuits and coveting of wealth, with practitioners acting as "trustees" of other individuals and the community in their management of economic resources and property. Contrary to many Indian socialists and communists, Gandhi was averse to all notions of class warfare and concepts of class-based revolution, which he saw as causes of social violence and disharmony. Gandhi's concept of egalitarianism was centred on the preservation of human dignity rather than material development. Some of Gandhi's closest supporters and admirers included industrialists such as Ghanshyamdas Birla, Ambalal Sarabhai, Jamnalal Bajaj and J. R. D. Tata, who adopted several of Gandhi's progressive ideas in managing labour relations while also personally participating in Gandhi's ashrams and socio-political work.

    [edit]Gandhian Economics and Ethics

    Gandhian economics do not draw a distinction between economics and ethics. Economics that hurts the moral well-being of an individual or a nation is immoral, and therefore sinful. The value of an industry should be gauged less by the dividends it pays to shareholders than by its effect on the bodies, soul and spirits of the people employed in it. In essence, supreme consideration is to be given to man than to money. In fact, the first basic principle of Gandhi's economic thought is a special emphasis on 'plain living' which helps in cutting down your wants and being self-reliant. Accordingly, increasing consumer appetite is likened to animal appetite which goes the end of earth in search of their satisfaction. Thus a distinction is to be made between ' Standard of Living' and 'Standard of Life', where the former merely states the material and physical standard of food, cloth and housing. A higher standard of life, on the other hand could be attained only if, along with material advancement, there was a serious attempt to imbibe cultural and spiritual values and qualities.

    [edit]Social Justice and Equality

    Gandhi has often quoted that if mankind was to progress and to realize the ideals of equality and brotherhood, it must act on the principle of paying the highest attention to the prime needs of the weakest sections of the population. Therefore any exercise on economic planning on a national scale would be futile without uplifting these most vulnerable sections of the society in a direct manner. In the ultimate analysis, it is the quality of the human being that has to be raised, refined and consolidated. In other words, economic planning is for the citizen, and not the citizen for national planning. Everybody should be given the right to earn according to his capacity using just means. The rich should serve the society after satisfying his needs and not merely enjoy his life.

    [edit]Non-violent Rural Economy

    Gandhian economics places importance to means of achieving the aim of development and this means must be non-violent, ethical and truthful in all economic spheres. In order to achieve this means he advocated trusteeship, decentralization of economic activities, labour intensive technology and priority to weaker sections. Gandhi claims that to be non-violent an Individual needs to have a rural mindedness. It also helps in thinking of our necessities of our household in terms of rural mindedness. The revival of the economy is made possible only when it is free from exploitation, so according to Gandhi industrialization on a mass-scale will lead to passive or active exploitation of the people as the problem of competition and marketing comes in. Gandhi believes that for an economy to be self-contained, it should manufacture mainly for its use even if that necessitates the use of modern machines and tools, provided it is not used as a means of exploitation of others.

    [edit]Concept of Socialism

    Gandhian economics brings a socialist perspective of overall development and tries to redefine the outlook of socialism. Gandhi espoused the notion of "trusteeship" which centered on denying material pursuits and coveting of wealth, with practitioners acting as "trustees" of other individuals and the community in their management of economic resources and property. Under the Gandhian economic order, the character of production will be determined by social necessity and not by personal greed. The path of socialism should only be through non-violence and democratic method and any recourse to class-war and mutual hatred would prove to be suicidal.

    [edit]Implementation in India

    During India's freedom struggle as well as after India's independence in 1947, Gandhi's advocacy of homespun khadi clothing, the khadi attire (which included the Gandhi cap) developed into popular symbols of nationalism and patriotism. India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehruwas a socialist as well as a close supporter of Gandhi. While Nehru was influenced by Gandhi's aversion to the brand of socialism practised in the Soviet Union, he was also an exponent of industralisation and critical of Gandhi's focus on rural economics.
    Gandhian activists such as Vinoba Bhave and Jayaprakash Narayan were involved in the Sarvodaya movement, which sought to promote self-sufficiency amidst India's rural population by encouraging land redistribution, socio-economic reforms and promoting cottage industries. The movement sought to combat the problems of class conflict, unemployment and poverty while attempting to preserve the lifestyle and values of rural Indians, which were eroding with industrialisation and modernisation. Sarvodaya also included Bhoodan, or the gifting of land and agricultural resources by the landlords (called zamindars) to their tenant farmers in a bid to end the medieval system of zamindari. Bhave and others promoted Bhoodan as a just and peaceful method of land redistribution in order to create economic equality, land ownership and opportunity without creating class-based conflicts. Bhoodan and Sarvodaya enjoyed notable successes in many parts of India, includingMaharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh. Bhave would become a major exponent of discipline and productivity amongst India's farmers, labourers and working classes, which was a major reason for his support of the controversial Indian Emergency (1975–1977). Jayaprakash Narayan also sought to use Gandhian methods to combat organised crime, alcoholism and other social problems.

    [edit]Modern interpretations

    The proximity of Gandhian economic thought to socialism has also evoked criticism from the advocates of free-market economics. To many, Gandhian economics represent an alternative to mainstream economic ideologies as a way to promote economic productivity without an emphasis on material pursuits or compromising human development. Gandhi's emphasis on peace, "trusteeship" and co-operation has been touted as an alternative to competition as well as conflict between different economic and income classes in societies. Gandhian focus on human development is also seen as an effective emphasis on the eradication of poverty, social conflict and backwardness in developing nations. Gandhian socio-economic ideas have gained the interest and attention of an increasing number of people across the world.

    [edit]Notes

    1. ^ Kumarappa, Joseph Cornelius (1951). Gandhian economic thought. Library of Indian economics (1st ed.). Bombay, India: Vora.OCLC 3529600. Retrieved 7 August 2009.

    [edit]References

    • Pani, Narendar (2002). Inclusive Economics: Gandhian Method and Contemporary Policy. Sage Publications Pvt. Ltd.. ISBN 978-0761995807.
    • Sharma, R. (1997). Gandhian economics. Deep and Deep Publications Pvt. Ltd.. ISBN 978-8171009862.
    • Narayan, Shriman (1970). Relevance of Gandhian economics. Navajivan Publishing House. ASIN B0006CDLA8.
    • Narayan, Shriman (1978). Towards the Gandhian Plan. S. Chand and Company Limited.

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