Enters The Sultan Amidst Civil War scene

Enters The Sultan Amidst Civil War scene

Indian Holocaust My father`s Life and Time- seventy Nine

Palash Biswas




CPI-M leader Binoy Konar in Kolkata said: "We will not sit silent in Nandigram. We will hit back if they adopt violent means." The battle lines were thus drawn in Nandigram.

Anger and violence is now giving way to the people's movement in Nandigram. It is Civil War in Nandi gram which threats to escalate as the Government of West Bengal with its police, is behaving like a land-grabbing promoter-mafia duo.Shamefully it is the same Left Front which had once tried to empower rural Bengal. Whither land reforms? What about the pledges? Today empowered by the Black Commando, Rapid Action Force, Combat Force and regular police force it is going for the throats of the hapless tillers. What else can be termed as the arrogance of power? A CPI-M office at Dinabhandupur under Nandigram PS was torched by the supporters of the Ucched Committee.The peasants of Medinipur who have a history behind them in violent resistance agaist the colonial role, have taken up arms to protect Man, nature and indiginious production system.Sensing trouble, local Left workers including Panchayat pradhan's have gone underground. Nandigram, West Bengal: Nandigram has emerged as a new battlefront over Special Economic Zone and this time the battle has turned out to be bloodier than Singur, where farmers and activists have been fighting a turf war with the West Bengal Government over the proposed car plant of Tata Motors.

We should also remember that the signal feature of 2006 has been the resounding victories of the CPI(M)-led Left Front in the Assembly elections in West Bengal and Kerala. In West Bengal , the Left Front won for a record seventh consecutive term. These victories have strengthened the Left and its capacity to raise, at the national level, such policy matters as are directed at improving the people’s livelihood and the sovereignty of our country.While the struggle against neo-liberal policies continues to intensify globally, such popular struggles are also on the rise domestically, here in India. The CPI(M) and the Left, on whose crucial support this UPA government continues, have been putting constant pressure for implementation of whatever pro-people policies are contained in the Common Minimum Programme. These pressures were strengthened during the course of 2006 through big mass mobilisations and protest actions.

As Nandigram has risen against acquiring land for industry, a civil liberty group Sunday demonstrated against the visit of Dubai World chairman Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem whose firm is planning a port development project .In West Bengal the escalating violence in Nandigram and months of protests in Singur have done little to soften chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's stand on acquiring land for SEZs.Though, in a bid to defuse tension in Nandigram, West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya Sunday said that land for an industrial project there would be acquired only after discussions with the local population. The chief minister also pointed fingers at Jamiat-e-Ulema-i-Hind, a religious organisation in the area, for communalising the situation.Senior police officers have been sent to Nandigram, but many residents of the village have fled, fearing more violence. Tensions in Nandigram, in East Midnapore district, have been mounting for some time now after rumours that the area is going to be developed as a special economic zone.

The violence on (Jan 7) at Nandigram in West Bengal’s East Midnapore district has claimed seven lives and left many others injured. On Friday (Jan5) and Saturday (Jan 6) Nandigram was just as disturbed with opposition parties and local groups trying to stir up another Singur like agitation against land acquisitions. But their efforts and even Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee’s hunger stirke on Singur issue has made little impression on West Bengal CM Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee.A Left stronghold for years with a standing CPI(M) MP and a CPI MLA, Nandigram now finds itself staring at an uncertain future. Over 22,000 acres of land in Nandigram will be acquired for special economic zones.An overwhelming sense of betrayal is running high among the villagers who are all out on the streets.

The villages in Nandigram area , where the police opened fire following violence today, remained inaccessible with members of the Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee keeping close vigil on entry of outsiders.illagers dug up roads and bridges to Nandigram to prevent police and communist cadres from reaching a 14,500-acre (5,800 hectares) plot demarcated for the industrial zone.The industrial zone is to be built in the state with help from the Salim Group, but the project has faced opposition from farmers refusing to give their land.Nandigram is located 150 kilometres north of Kolkata, which has been wooing domestic and foreign investors over the past few years. Even the police were yet to go to the trouble-torn Basulichak and Dinabhandupur villages although combat force personnel staged a route march at Narby Tekhali village.

in West Bengal.Paschim Banga Khet Mazdoor Samity - members led by its president Anuradha Talwar protested at the gate of the at Taj Bengal hotel where the Dubai World chairman had put up.The port and a special economic zone - to be developed by the company will be spread over 3,000 acres of which 300 acres will be used for the port and allied backup facilities and 2,700 acres for the SEZ. The SEZ would be built over 2,500 acres with a total investment of around Rs2,600 crore. Bhattacharjee said that the proposed port would require an additional 700 acres of land. The company is also eyeing building a tourism hub around the tea industry of North Bengal.The DP World development of Kulpi Port will include all-weather port facilities, a ship-breaking yard, and an industrial park, all integrated in a single hub. The marine terminal will have a 450-metre quay and handling capacity of 650,000 TEU. The first phase of the port development will be completed by 2009.


Tension mounted in Nandigram in West Bengal after at least eight people died in clashes between CPI-M supporters and villagers. But in this ever-controversial state, the chief minister has announced that a new SEZ will be set up soon. Amidst all the criticism and protests, West Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee remains undeterred. Bhattacharjee met Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem, chairman of Dubai Ports World, D P World, a Dubai-based marine terminal operator, which would build a port and a multi-product SEZ in Kulpi in West Bengal. Meanwhile, the Communist Party of India , which has the supportbase in nandigram amnd Midnapur and leading the peasants of Nandigram in resistance, on Saturday demanded an "immediate halt" to land acquisition for setting up Special Economic Zones (SEZs).It called for constitution of a "high-level commission for examining the issues involved and ensuring the rights and interests of the affected people, especially farmers. The whole concept behind the SEZ Act should be re-examined."

Speaking at the conclusion of the three-day national council meet here, A.B. Bardhan, general secretary, said the party leadership "totally rejected the concept that the establishment of the SEZs is the only way to industrialisation. Neither it is inevitable. The number of SEZs has to be limited to a bare minimum ... and there has to be a cap on the number in each State... There is no difference among the Left parties in our attitude towards SEZs."
Mr. Bardhan regretted that "transparency has not been maintained" on the proposed car project at Singur in West Bengal. His party was "not only a complainant [in this regard] but also part of the [Left Front] Government and [Singur provided] one of the lessons that should be learnt."

CPI leaders like state minister Nandagopal Bhattacharya and party’s state secretary Manjukumar Majumdar had earlier opposed farmland acquisition for industry in West Bengal, but this had been more a war of words with ‘big brother’ CPI(M). Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee had then assuaged the CPI leader in the final stages of the Singur controversy.But Wednesday’s violence at Nandigram, which seemed planned in advance, showed that the CPI has now become actively involved in opposing the government’s land acquisition move. The Jamaat-e-ulema-e Hind, Naxals and the SUCI, too, are backing the CPI legislator.

Manjukumar Majumdar backed his party legislator, and, instead, put the ball back squarely on CPI(M)’s court. “Iliyas has done (everything) with the party’s consent,” the CPI state secretary said. “Rather, Lakshman Seth (CPM MP) is to be accused for fomenting trouble.”

Simultaneously, "the unity and internal cohesion of the Left Front must be maintained." This could be done through cooperation and transparency among its constituents.On the proposed SEZ at Nandigram in West Bengal, to be set up by the Indonesian conglomerate, Salim Group, he said: "We have made it clear that the project should be discussed with the Left parties for the sake of transparency. Only after discussions and ascertaining whether there is need for amending [the project proposals] should notices for land acquisition be served and steps taken."

The chief minister vowed full support for the SEZs planned in the state and said that there would be no slowing down of efforts. "We will help them and they'll start work as early as possible."Bin Sulayem, touring West Bengal at the invitation of the state government, met Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya and his top aides to discuss among other things the Kulpi port project in South 24 Parganas district by Dubai World, the holding company of Dubai Port World -.DP World along with the Keventer Group is promoting the Kulpi minor port.A high-level delegation from the state visited Dubai in early December, following which the chief minister extended a personal invitation to the chairman of Dubai World. Bin Sulayem is accompanied by DP World CEO Mohammed Sharaf and other senior officials.About 30 members of the group, including women, engaged in a scuffle with the hotel staff as police tried to pacify them.

'We had gone there to protest with the landowners because there is no transparency about the project which will displace people,' Talwar, an associate of social activist Medha Patkar, told IANS.

'Police did not misbehave and they agreed to sit with us with the details of the project. But the hotel staff tried to heckle us,' the firebrand social activist said.

Dubai World is also keen on pursuing investment opportunities in India, according to Bin Sulayem who reaffirmed his commitment to the port project.

The Dubai World team's two-day visit included a tour of the Kulpi port, 60 km downriver from Kolkata, and other key sites, including the hill station of Darjeeling where they propose to build a hotel. 'India is a vibrant economy and we at Dubai World believe the close relationship between our two countries forms a strong base on which long-term business commitments can be built,' said Bin Sulayem who arrived Saturday night.

'This visit underlines our determination to be a partner in the state's development. We are also looking forward to exploring other investment opportunities in India as part of our global growth strategy,' he said.

In the backdrop of the Nandigram violence over farmland acquisition, West Bengal’s upcoming SEZ (special economic zone) policy is set to unveil generous compensation and rehabilitation packages for displaced families. State commerce and industry secretary Sabyasachi Sen said: “The aim of our SEZ policy will be to provide maximum compensation and rehabilitation facilities to the displaced entities. It will be a policy that will emphasise that the state government stands by its people.” Under the terms of the proposed compensation package, bargadars and farmers, who depend on agriculture as their prime income source, may be offered equity shares in special purpose vehicles (SPVs) created by the SEZ developers.

The government may also increase the ‘solatium’ that is now being paid to displaced families. At present, the government pays a 30% solatium, which is the quantum of damages paid to a land loser for ‘hurt feelings’. A solatium is given to landlosers over and above the market price of land.

More importantly, the state government is drawing up detailed rehabilitation packages for displaced families depending on the size of SEZs. “We are working out rehabilitation packages according to the size of the SEZs. We have defined three categorises — 25 acres, 250 acres and 2,500 acres. For each category of SEZs, we will have separate rehabilitation packages for land losers.”

Tatas all set to get nod for Orissa SEZ

The Tatas maybe facing an uphill task getting their small car project in Singur started, but the group's ambitious Special Economic Zone (SEZ) at Gopalpur in Orissa is soon set for launch sans any land acquisition problems. The Board of Approvals (BoA) for SEZs would meet after a three-month gap on January 10 and take up for clearance, Tatas proposal for a multi-product zone involving land in excess of 3,500 acres, sources said. They said the proposal is likely to be cleared as all the necessary clearances, including from the security agencies, have come. The proposal, which had earlier come before the board, was referred to the security agencies as the proposed zone was close to a security establishment.

All SEZ-affected will be properly resettled: PM

New Delhi: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said on Monday that a new rehabilitation policy for those affected by land acquisition would be in place in next three months. The policy will be more progressive, humane and conducive to the long term welfare of all stakeholders, he added.

Responding to FICCI president Saroj K Poddar’s suggestion that land acquired for industrialisation and special economic zones should be done at market rates, the Prime Minister said, "There is no reason why the spread of industrialisation should be a contentious issue. Issues such as land acquisition and displacement of people and their resettlement should be transparently addressed. We will be finalising a new rehabilitation policy in three months.”

Violence marks Bengal shutdown

Violence has been reported in many parts of India's West Bengal state where a strike is being held in protest at industrialisation plans. The shutdown was called a day after six people died in clashes between ruling and opposition party activists in the village of Nandigram. There have been rumours that the government plans to acquire farmland to develop industries in the area.Nine policemen were injured. In Calcutta 50 protesters were arrested. Large numbers of policemen and soldiers of the paramilitary Rapid Action Force are patrolling the streets of Calcutta. Police say they have foiled attempts of set fire to buses and there is very little traffic on the city streets.

Train services are reported to have been badly hit across the state.

Violent protests continued for the second day in West Bengal on Monday as the Opposition parties observed a shutdown to protest against the violence clash between farmers and CPI (M) supporters over a land acquisition row in Nandigram village in East Midnapore District.The Trinamool Congress spearheaded a 12-hour shutdown, while the Congress was behind a 24-hour shutdown over the killing of six people during yesterday's clash over the land acquisition row involving Indonesia's Salim Group at a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Nandigram.

Minister claims 11 deaths in Nandigram
West Bengal Transport minister Subhas Chakraborty on Monday claimed that 11 people, including nine CPI-M workers had died in the violence at Nandigram .
"I can tell you that 11 people have died. Nine of them belong to the CPI-M. I don't know about the other two," he told newsmen here. The government has so far confirmed death of six persons in Sunday's violence at Nandigram.

Chakraborty, known to court controversy, ruled out involvement of outsiders in the violence as claimed by his party. He claimed that crude bombs manufactured at nearby Contai were used during the violence. "I have information that nearly 1,000 bombs were brought from a single place at Contai. If I can get the information sitting here, why can't the police?" he asked.

BJP urges PM to intervene

Quick to exploit the divide within the Left over the government's land acquisition plans, Leader of Opposition L K Advani has called for an all party meeting to discuss the shortcomings of Special Econmic Zone policy of the UPA Government. The BJP Leader L K Advani has urged the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to convene an all-party meeting and sort out the tricky issue of SEZs.

Comrades slam Left leader CPI(M)

COMRADES, REPENT: CPI(ML) activists shout outisde AKG Bhavan in Delhi on Monday.The Communist Party of India (Marxist) on Monday was called anti-farmer, feudal and even capitalist. The allegations must have hurt, as they came from another Leftist group. The Communist Party of India (Marxist Leninist) demonstrated outside CPI (M) headquarters in Delhi to protest against the death of at least six persons in Nandigram where the state government plans to build a special economic zone (SEZ).The protesters demanded West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya’s resignation and alleged that his government was “snatching” farmers land for the Salim Group, the Indonesian company which is supposed to build the SEZ.Holding banners and shouting slogans, the protesters wanted the state government to stop the "murder of innocent farmers in Nandigram by ruling CPI (M) activists."

CPI (M) Politburo leader Brinda Karat said the Trinamool’s wants to "politicise" the issue and said the Land Eviction Resistance Committee the party has formed is an "opportunist political group".




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SEZ land turmoil gains ground

MUMBAI: Pressure is mounting on the Maharashtra government to halt the controversial land acquisition process for Mukesh Ambani-led Reliance Industries’ special economic zones (SEZ) coming up near Mumbai. On Wednesday, the Cabinet committee on SEZ headed by state cooperation and rehabilitation minister Patangrao Kadam recommended that the process of land acquisition be stalled till February 15, sources told ET. The ministry will take a stock of the situation again after the elections to the zilla parishads and panchayat samitis are over by February 15, sources said. As reported earlier by ET, Mr Kadam had called a meeting of the SEZ screening committee that he heads specifically to take up the land acquisition issue. “The meeting was convened to discuss rehabilitation and resettlement issues connected with SEZs in the state,” Mr Kadam told ET.

At an earlier Cabinet meeting last Wednesday, CM Vilasrao Deshmukh had put a stay on land acquisition for Reliance’s SEZ, without formally issuing an order in writing. “Land acquisition authorities told the minister that the chief minister had only given a verbal stay on land acquisition. Mr Kadam was told that a written stay order would be required to stop the process,” an official told ET. Mr Kadam, however, is said to have asked the officials involved in the land acquisition process to defer the process till elections are over.

AThe officials pointed out that of the 72 SEZs that have been sanctioned in Maharashtra, the land acquisition has become a contentious issue only in case of seven, Reliance’s proposed SEZ in Navi Mumbai being one of them. The ministers, however, wanted the government to halt the process in all the 72 SEZs.


The SEZ story: Rehab is back in spotlight

MUMBAI: Pay compensation first, land acquisition can wait. That’s the policy Maharashtra rehabilitation minister Patangrao Kadam would like the state government to follow vis-à-vis its special economic zones.Mr Kadam, who had recently voiced his concern over rampant land acquisition in the state, on Thursday said he wanted a compensation package in place for the people who would get affected by such schemes. The minister said he had always stuck to this stand at state Cabinet meetings as rehabilitation minister and chairperson of the rehabilitation committee on SEZs.


REST IN PEACE
- India’s agrarian crisis has the WTO’s signature all over it
Cutting Corners Ashok Mitra in The Telegraph, Kolkata, 5 the Jan, 2007

Imperialism is still the highest stage of capitalism. But the first decade of the 21st century is a different proposition compared to the first decade of the 20th. It is no longer territorial imperialism, but imperialism via trade, which depicts capitalism’s pristine phase. The World Trade Organization, which is basically a concordat of the United States of America and the west European nations, is, some will say, acting as the deus ex machina, so that international capitalism could fulfil its ordained mission.

It is therefore an iniquitous world. Millions of farmers in Latin America, Africa and south Asia are, at present, direct victims of the wondrous regime set up by the WTO. With the gradual dismantling of quantitative restrictions and tariff barriers, the peasantry in the poorer countries is facing rack and ruin. A whole range of farm commodities can be offered for trading by the technologically advanced Western countries at prices that would not cover farmers’ costs in the poor continents. One reason is the neo-colonial edict: some are more equal than others; subsidies are out for farmers in India, Pakistan or Bangladesh, but not for those in the US, or in France.

Basing themselves on the rationale arrivable from such fraudulence, a group of Western economists have enunciated a breathtaking theory. Since they are failing to meet global competition, farmers in the developing economies should move away from primary production, and that task be left to the care of the Western countries which are as efficient in agriculture as in several branches of industry. The poor nations should concentrate on lowcost service activities generating inputs for sustaining growth in the industrially-advanced nations.

The agrarian crisis in India has the signature of the WTO fiats written all over. Whether it is wheat, rice, corn, cotton, tobacco or sugarcane, the market is being flooded by imports from North America and Europe. Whatever improvements in productivity were inducted into Indian agriculture four decades ago via the so-called New Agricultural Strategy have now exhausted their potential, and it is increasingly difficult for the Indian peasantry to face competition from imported farm products. Owners of bigger-sized holdings, such as those exceeding 20 acres, will still find it possible, at least for some more time, to withstand the heat of competition from overseas on account of various economies of scale they enjoy. But they too have their doubts about how long they would be able to cope with the consequences of trade globalization. Many of them are accordingly showing an interest in entering into contract farming arrangements with foreign corporates, which might allow them to survive in the long run.

The dilemma faced by middle-level farmers is far more acute. The king of economies of scale rich peasants can reap advantage of is beyond their reach. They are, therefore, directly at the receiving end of the tribulations caused by the WTO’s hectoring. The incidence of suicide is fairly high among this group; many of them borrowed heavily to expand their farming activities and have failed to repay.

But not all peasants have the nerve to commit suicide. Some of them are victims of a troubled conscience; it would be a gross sin to disappear leaving their families in the lurch. Quite a few among these middle peasants have discovered an alternative escape route. The sudden spurt of special economic zones in different parts of the country, under the benign patronage of the Centre as well as several state governments, has led to a boom in land prices. Foreign investors — and some domestic parties as well — are also coming in with their lush schemes to sink money in developing such symbols of luxury living, as high-rise residential townships, wide eight- or ten-lane motorways, fly-overs, pharmaceutical hubs and food parks; they are only too eager to take over land from the struggling farmers. Besides, the demand for land is being further accentuated by new trends in tourism, including health and sex tourism.

The middle peasants in different parts of the country have thus been offered life-buoys to keep them afloat in the ocean of economic distress. Land speculation is reaching crazy heights, and providing an opportunity for survival to those land-holders whose returns from cultivating activities have taken a dip owing to depressed farm prices. They do not have to take, they have discovered, the course of self-annihilation; they can sell their land and fulfil their tryst with destiny. The authorities on their part have been most generous and eased the land-ceiling laws. Middle-level farmers often have enough organizational acumen and financial buffer to allow them to bargain effectively for the land they put on offer. Once they receive a reasonable sum from the sale of land, a number of choices are again open. They can put the money in time deposits with the banks, draw the interest, and enjoy good living in the manner of a proper rentier. Or they can invest a part of the money in the share market, thereby giving themselves the chance of doubling or tripling the money they received from land sales.

The problem is of an altogether different genre for very small peasant proprietors — who often themselves cultivate the tiny plot of land they own — and landless farm workers. A small peasant, owning at best a couple of acres of land and most of the time much less, does not have any staying power. He cannot afford to bargain for long with the land sharks. Not surprisingly, he is forced to sell the pittance of his land at an exceedingly modest price. Some wise ones may advise him to place with a bank the cash that he has got by selling the land, and live on the interest earned. But since the size of his land is very small, the sum earned from its sale is paltry too, and the interest likely to be earned if this sum is deposited with a bank will be equally paltry. The small peasant proprietor therefore reaches a dead end.

Much worse is going to be the plight of the millions of agricultural workers who labour on a daily basis on the holdings being given away to the SEZs and to promoters of ritzy hotels, highways, fly-overs and tourism treats. Where will they find any alternative occupation? The new facilities that come up are unlikely to absorb even five per cent of the farm workers who are deprived of their occupational pursuit.

Such grim prospects for a substantial segment of society obviously do not stir the conscience of policy-makers. The argument put forth by policy-makers seems to be flawless. The population at large will benefit from import of cheap grains, textiles and suchlike from overseas; also because of dismantling of trade barriers, export of IT-related service-activities is growing by leaps and bounds; after all, one cannot have everything together in life; we cannot aspire for an eight to ten per cent annual growth in gross domestic product and yet carp about rural unrest or lessening employment. That apart, has not the rural employment guarantee scheme been set up to offer relief to the poor?

The top decile of Indian society is experiencing unprecedented prosperity. It will import more and more of consumption goods from overseas, thereby denying the poor the privilege of producing these goods domestically. The poor in the countryside will continue to starve and die. But has not that been an integral part of the India which the world has known since antiquity; why get worked up over it?


West Bengal agricultural revolution a myth
Mamata’s fast exposes exaggerated claim
By Arabinda Ghose

The 25-day fast undertaken by the feisty Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee ended on the midnight of December 28/29 on appeals by the President of India Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and former Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee followed by a somewhat conciliatory letter by West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya. As we are aware, the issue of the fast was the handing over of 947 acres of agricultural land to the Tatas for their “Rs.1 lakh car” project at Singur in the Hooghly district of West Bengal.

What this fast has triggered is the debate covering the entire country about surrendering of farm land or industry and special economic zones on the one hand and the so called agricultural revolution in West Bengal which the Marxist rulers of the State aver, should be replicated in other States. Let us have a close look at the agricultural renaissance.

Before Jyoti Basu relinquished office as the Chief Minister of West Bengal, he had announced that West Bengal had become the number one State in the country. This had thrilled the credulous people of the State who did not for a moment reflect on the cavalier manner of this announcement because West Bengal has nothing much to show in agriculture except for rice in which it remains the number one State in the country with a production - in three crop seasons- of about 14.50 million tonnes a year. It depends on other States for wheat products, cooking oil, sugar, pulses etc. However, it is surplus in potato.

What was the fact behind this tall claim was that in that particular year - 1999 perhaps- West Bengal was the first in the rate of growth in agriculture among all the States.

Similar is the story of unprecedented progress in agriculture in the State during the 30 years of Left rule. As has been tomtommed umpteen times all these years, the land reforms programme ushered in by the Left has brought in unprecedented prosperity to the farmers of West Bengal which explains the iron grip of the CPI(M) over rural voters.

Analysing these claims , Mr.Abhiroop Sarkar, an economist of repute, wrote in the Ananda Bazar Patrika published from Kolkata a three-part story which blew this hype to smithereens, saying that a major portion of the claim is actually nothing but fable. He conceded that the land reforms initiated in the late 1970s, decentalisation of power and the “Boro” revolution in rice did benefit farmers till the end of the nineteen eighties. (“Boro” is the local name for winter/summer rice grown extensively in West Bengal from the beginning of the year and harvested just as summer sets in. ”Aus” and “Aman” are the two other rice crops grown during the monsoon and post-monsoon seasons).

Mr. Sarkar also agrees with the view that till end of the 1980s, the economic conditions of the farmers did improve and they could face the world with rare self-confidence, not possible before .However, the chinks the armour started showing from the beginning of the 1990s.

First, the “Boro” revolution could not cover the entire State because of lack of water in many areas. (Like other rice varieties, “Boro” too consumes huge volumes of water). Secondly, where water was available earlier, arsenic contamination started manifesting because of relentless over-drawing of ground water. Thirdly, prices of farm produce remained constant while the cost of agricultural inputs started rising relentlessly. Rice and potato, the two major farm produce of West Bengal, no longer fetched sufficient returns on investment. The result was at least ten to twelve per cent of farmers ,who had obtained farming land as a result of land reforms, had sold off their lands and opted for manual labour away from villages. The proportion of farmers among the working population in the villages suffered a sharp decline from the beginning of the new century.

Mr. Sarkar said that it was often forgotten that West Bengal had perhaps the worst land: man ratio in the country. The number of people dependent on agriculture per acre in West Bengal, he says, is three times that in other States of the country. This was the result of pressure on land from the lakhs of people from East Pakistan who had migrated to West Bengal and the continuous migration of people from neighbouring States to West Bengal in search of jobs.